scholarly journals Russian Gold Mining Output in 1901-1917: A Source Studies Aspect

2018 ◽  
pp. 679-691
Author(s):  
Pavel S. Grebenyuk ◽  

This paper explores the problem of gold mining output in the Russian empire in 1901-1917 drawing on published and archival data. The aim of the study is to clarify indicators of gold mining production, since in the leading studies the data vary due to the peculiarities of metal accounting. It draws on published materials and archival documents of the State Institute for Design of Enterprises of Gold and Platinum Industry of the Glavzoloto of the People's Commissariat of Nonferrous Metallurgy (Giprozoloto), prepared in 1944 as a ‘Collection of Materials on the Gold Industry: 1493 - 1943’ and stored in the State Archive of the Magadan Region. Materials of the Giprozoloto Institute contain calculations of gold production in Russia and the USSR from 1745 to 1943, as well as technical and economic information on national gold mining industry in the early 20th century. The analysis shows that gold mining indices in scientific literature and sources are given according to data from gold log-books or gold-smelting laboratories. Gold log-books did not reflect the volume of actual mining, they only showed the gold registered in mines; moreover, some gold was withheld, and then came in to laboratories for alloy. Accounting for metal in the gold-smelting laboratories showed higher and more accurate production figures, since it included artisanal mining gold. However, as the source study demonstrates, figures of gold production in 1901-1917 according to the Giprozoloto Institute (805.4 tons) and according to L.B. Kafengauz (814.6 tons) based on data of gold-smelting laboratories and incorporated volumes of uncleaned bullion gold entered in there. The results of the study change the views on the volume of gold mining in Russia in this period that prevail in the historiography. It should be noted, that according to calculations, confirmed indicators of industrial production of chemically pure gold in Russia in 1901-1917 amounted to 682.5 tons. Final figures of gold industry of the period in amount of chemically pure gold obtained in gold-smelting laboratories corresponded to indices of value of gold production used in the analysis industry dynamics, and is considered correct, when compared with the USSR gold-mining indices.

Author(s):  
Vadim Shakherov

The article studies the issues of development of gold mining in the Leno-Vitimsky district in the late 19th - early 20th centuries. Monopolization of the fisheries has led to the emergence of large joint stock companies. Bank investments played a crucial role in expanding gold production and developing mining infrastructure. Lending to large gold industry contributed to the growth of the influence of the Irkutsk branch of the state Bank of Russia, increased its role in the economic life of the region. Large Bank investments led to the expansion of gold-bearing areas and contributed to the introduction of new technologies and technical devices in the mines. The article traces specific examples of the investment policy of the state Bank of Russia and the role of its regional branches in Irkutsk and Bodaybo. The constant increase in the cost of developing new mines, supply, hiring workers and purchasing equipment increased competition and helped monopolize the industry. As a result, large Bank loans played a more significant role. The state Bank of Russia not only saved «Lensky Gold Industrial Partnership» from financial collapse, but also contributed to its transformation into the largest gold mining enterprise in Russia with its favorable investment policy. By controlling the activities of «Lenzoto», the state, through Bank investments, not only received significant profits, but also strengthened its influence in the gold mining industry as an important area of the Russian financial system.


Author(s):  
Gennadiy G. Bril’ ◽  
Leonid N. Zaytsev

The article examines the process of origin and formation of the political police of Kostroma Province in the mid-19th century. Special attention is paid to the issue of its staffi ng and the wide use of army offi cers for service in the political police. The chronological framework covers a little-studied period of activity of the political police in Kostroma Province. The authors of the article note that the Highest orders of military ranks that had a special place in the appointment of the headquarters and chief offi cers of the political police. On the basis of archival materials, the main directions of service activities of the highest ranks of the political police in the region are analysed. The article reveals the contribution of the gendarmes’ Corps chiefs to the protection of public order during the period under review. The author reveals the attitude of the authorities to literacy among the lower ranks of the gendarmerie. On the basis of historical and archival documents, it is concluded that the successful career of offi cers was promoted by conscientious performance of their offi cial duties, their «excellent-diligent and zealous service». It is concluded that special attention was paid to discipline among the gendarmes. The political police were independent of other branches of government, and were subordinate only to the headquarters of the gendarmes’ corps and the third division of His Imperial Majesty’s own offi ce. Gaps in the historical and legal coverage of the work of the state security Agency in the province of the Russian Empire at the fi rst stage of its existence are fi lled.


2020 ◽  
pp. 602-614
Author(s):  
Rafael A. Arslanov ◽  
◽  
Elena V. Linkova ◽  

The article studies perception of the uprising of December 14, 1825 in the Western European public opinion as reflected in the press. The source base of the study consists of archival (including previously unpublished) documents found by the authors while working in the State Archive of Turin, and also of the considerable fond 11 “Foreign newspapers,” stored in the Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire. The authors investigate and summarize assessments of the Decembrists’ uprising that appeared in the European press in late 1825 – early 1826 and identify the origin of the newspaper information. Working with archival documents, the authors have used a number of methods that are typical for both historical research (retrospective, analytical, comparative methods) and source studies (heuristic, textual, and hermeneutic methods). These methods allow the authors not only to analyze the documents and determine their epistemological value, but also to comprehend their content in historical context. The article concludes that the European public opinion not just showed interest in the events in St. Petersburg, but also tried to analyze them, to identify their sources and their consequences for Russia and Europe. There were two trends in the coverage of the Decembrist uprising. Firstly, publicists repeated the information received through official channels. Secondly, journalists were inclined to believe that the revolutionary tendencies that emerged in the Russian army after the Napoleonic wars were characteristic of all European countries. The accumulated scientific material allows the authors to come to certain conclusions that are valuable for studying not just the uprising on the Senate square on December 14, 1825, but also mechanisms of formation of the image of Russia on the international arena.


Author(s):  
Elena Bulyulina

Introduction. The article is devoted to the Soviet propaganda campaign of 1931–1934, which was called “sotssovmestitelstvo” (social part-time employment). To date, there are no studies on this issue. Methods and materials. The author uses the following methods: historical-genetic, archival-heuristic, source studies, classification, historical description and actualization. The sources for the research were archival documents, periodical press materials, normative legal acts and propaganda works of the first half of the 1930s. Analysis. Social part-time employment meant that workers after completing a shift at the enterprise would have to voluntarily and free of charge perform certain functions in public institutions. The theoretical basis of the campaign was the idea of Lenin about the possibility of the permanent and direct participation of the proletariat in the management of the state. The ideologists of the campaign tried to create the illusion of mass participation of workers “from the machine”. For this purpose directors of plants were obliged to send part-time employees to state institutions, and heads of institutions – to create working conditions for them. The authorities declared the thesis on the advantage of the working class over the intelligentsia and its high moral qualities, which it a priori has due to its social origin. It was assumed that these qualities will allow workers to identify shortcomings in the work of state institutions and make proposals for the improvement of the state apparatus. The author of the publication shows how the campaign began, passed and ended, what its real results were. Results. According to the author, the following circumstances were the reason for the campaign: the economic situation forced the authorities to prohibit mass mobilization of workers from production to participate in various campaigns of party-Soviet bodies, but at the same time partySoviet ideologists were not going to abandon the thesis of the participation of workers in public administration. The campaign could not collapse completely and was forgotten for many years.


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 177-180
Author(s):  
Andrey Ivanovich Eliseev

The paper analyzes published and archival documents, periodical materials, and memoirs of contemporaries; it is devoted to the socio-political activities of the member of the Samara Zemstvo Council, one of the organizers of the Samara Provincial and Buzuluk Uyezd Committees of the Constitutional Democratic Party, deputy of the first State Duma of the Russian Empire, Vasily Andreevich Plemyannikov. The author examines the work of V.A. Plemyannikov in the Zemstvo institutions of the Samara province and All-Russian Zemstvo Congresses, where he studied the situation in the region, gained rich experience in social activities, and formed his political views. The paper also contains an overview of Plemyannikovs relations with Central authorities and regional public organizations. The author argues that the years of the first Russian revolution became the peak of Plemyannikovs social and political activity. The paper is focused on the active participation of V.A. Plemyannikov in the State Duma election campaign and the organization of the local branch of the Constitutional Democratic Party in Buzuluk Uyezd. Due to his active propaganda work and political significance in the province, Plemyannikov was elected to the State Duma. In addition to the reconstruction of political activity of V.A. Plemyannikov, the paper introduces previously unknown biographical data.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1131-1142
Author(s):  
Dmitriy M. Legkiy ◽  

The article and the published documents study the previously unknown documents on the judicial reform. Drawing on archival documents discovered in the Stasovs family archive (from the manuscript department of the Institute of Russian Literature) and in the secret archive of the Third Department of His Imperial Majesty's Own Chancery (from the State Archive of the Russian Federation), including correspondence of D. V. Stassov with the chairman of the Yekaterinoslav criminal court chamber, A. S. Kuznetsov (1862–66), the publication reveals the unknown pages of the history of the judicial reform of 1864 in the Russian Empire. The sources highlight the activities of the commission for preparation of the reform under (initially) quite difficult conditions. The details of the judicial reform preparation are given against the background of constant struggles between conservative and liberal camps (with the gradual switchover of high-ranking officials from one camp to another, depending on the Emperor’s will), as well as between different groups and directions. Thus, the adoption of final decisions was delayed due to uncertain, evasive position of its members, as it happened during discussions of individual bills in the State Council. Attention is drawn to the reaction of officials of the Third Department, when perlustrating letters of the Councilor of State, Chief Secretary of the Governing Senate and Chairman of the Criminal Court Chamber of Yekaterinoslav containing quite immodest thoughts on the “behind-the-scenes preparation” of the Judicial reform. D. V. Stasov’s letters were actually weekly diary entries recording the preparation of the 1864 judicial reform, his tone picturesque, descriptions of ministers and high officials accurate and caustic. Such evidence from very authoritative sources provides a wealth of material on the attitude of the Imperial Court and the heads of state institutions (the Ministry of Justice, the State Council, the Senate, the Committee of Ministers, the Second Department of His Imperial Majesty's Own Chancery) involved in decision-making concerning judicial projects, which has not been adequately covered in historical and legal studies. Publication of D. V. Stasov's letters (from the archival materials of the Stasov family fond) can significantly expand the source base on the history of preparation of the judicial reforms in the Russian Empire in 1860–64.


2014 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 247-266 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ainsley D. Elbra

Mining companies are increasingly seen as co-governors of sub-Saharan Africa's gold mining industries, sharing sovereignty with states through private governance initiatives. Using interviews with company executives from the continent's largest gold mining firms this paper highlights the private authority of these firms vis-à-vis the state. This paper firstly examines the globalization and governance literature, focusing on why states share sovereignty with non-state actors. Secondly, a “three faces of power” framework is employed to understand how authority is exercised. Thirdly, private governance regimes specific to the mining industry are outlined. Finally, individuals’ and firms’ attitudes towards these private governance regimes are examined through an analysis of elite interviews. The theoretical and empirical analysis demonstrates that firms are formulating rules in order to increase certainty and reduce investment risk. These firms are engaging in private governance initiatives to build reputations as industry experts thereby controlling the regulation of their sector, rather than sharing authority with states.


2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 130-143
Author(s):  
Evgeny G. Neklyudov

Introduction. The study is aimed at determining the importance of the legal factor in the development of large-scale industrial production in a developing economy. It is devoted to the study of the unique possession law in the mining industry of the Russian Empire. Materials and Methods. On the basis of the documentation of the commissions and institutions of the mining department, legislation, journalism and scientific literature, the history of the preparation of the reform of possession law in the mining industry in Russia is reconstructed, covering the second half of the XIX – early XX centuries. Particular attention is paid to the discussion about the essence of this restrictive right, which extended to the factories of the Urals, Zamoskovye and the Caucasus. Results and Discussion. It is shown that the views of the state and breeders-possessors initially coincided on the need to abolish the possession rights, but fundamentally differed in terms of its qualifications, which was reflected in the development of a reform option that suited both parties. At the turn of the XIX and XX centuries this led to an open confrontation between the state and the plant owners, who advocated alternative projects of redemption or opening of the possessions. Conclusion. In this situation, the general reform of possession law was replaced by a fairly effective practice of individual removal from factories of an obsolete legal status.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Viktor Maul

This article examines one of the most important events in the lives of S. Shutenko and F. Chepurnoy, two ordinary peasants of Chigirin uyezd, Kiev province, in the nineteenth century. The Chigirin freethinkers’ drama was connected with peasant unrest in left-bank Ukraine between the 1870s and 1880s. A number of comprehensive works have turned to their biographies (B. G. Litval and D. P. Poida). In this article, the peasants’ views are analysed through the prism of their tragic lives and dreams about the peasant truth, which resulted in their exile to Siberia. They served their first exile together in Yenisei province from 1882 to 1887. Chepurny served another exile in Irkutsk province from 1895 to 1900. There is little information about Shutenko’s later life. The research refers to unpublished archival documents from the funds of the State Archive of the Russian Federation and the state archives of Irkutsk, Tomsk and Krasnoyarsk. The author mostly focuses on judicial and investigation materials, as well as official correspondence between different state bodies. Also, the author refers to the memoirs of such revolutionaries as L. G. Deutsch and V. D. Debogory-Mokriyevich, both of whom were involved in peasant unrest in Chigirin. The reason for peasant unrest was discontent with the agrarian reforms in former state properties in right-bank Ukraine. Peasants perceived the agrarian reforms through the prism of their traditional worldview. They did not doubt the good intentions of the tsar, who granted the true peasant will. They treated the content of the agrarian reforms as treason on the part of officials and landowners, who they blamed for distorting the tsar’s will. The intentions themselves seemed to comply with peasants’ interests. As a result of peasant unrest, the religious teaching of Stundism gained in popularity. The article demonstrates how Stundism significantly influenced peasant estimation of agrarian changes on state properties in the southwestern part of the Russian Empire. The author concludes that Shutenko and Chepurnoy’s tragic destinies may be viewed as a result of peasant unrest in the post-reform Ukrainian village.


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