scholarly journals REVIEW OF THE CINEMATOGRAPHY OF THE REPUBLIC OF KOREA OF THE 50S-70S OF THE TWENTIETH CENTURY AND THE INFLUENCE OF THE SOCIAL AND POLITICAL CONDITIONS PREVAILING IN THE COUNTRY DURING THIS TIME PERIOD ON IT

Articult ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 89-102
Author(s):  
Vladimir A. Mikheev ◽  
Author(s):  
I. Korgun ◽  
S. Sutyrin

This article discusses the measures of the government of the Republic of Korea to overcome the consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic. It shows what programs are being adopted to stabilize the social situation, normalize business activity and create conditions for the development of new sectors of the economy. An attempt is also made to suggest how relations with foreign economic partners may change in the post-tandem period.


2018 ◽  
Vol 52 (1) ◽  
pp. 175-177
Author(s):  
Didem Havlioğlu

Since the 1950s, historiographical trends in scholarship have re-considered the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire and the subsequent nation-state building of the Republic of Turkey. The social and political evolution of the imperial system into a nation-state has been alternatively explained through geopolitical pressures, domestic resistance, the expanding economy and modernism in Europe, and the inability of the Ottoman establishment to cope with the rapid changes of the nineteenth century. Constructing one holistic narrative of a vast time period of upheaval is a difficult endeavor for any scholar. In the case of the fall of the Ottoman Empire and the rise of the Republic of Turkey, ethno-religious networks, two world wars, geopolitical competition between the great powers, regional and pan-regional insurgencies, demographic displacement, nationalist fervor sweeping through the Balkan and Arab provinces and into Anatolia, and finally the Kurdish armed resistance renders succinct historical narratives all but impossible to achieve. Thus, while there are many stories of the end of the Ottoman Empire, an overview of the issues for students and general audiences is a much needed, but audacious, undertaking. Yet for understanding the Middle East and Southeastern Europe today, a critical narrative must be told in all its complexity.


2021 ◽  
Vol 43 (2) ◽  
pp. 19-56
Author(s):  
Jacek Bartyzel

The subject of this article is Christian nationalism in twentieth-century Portugal in its two ideological and organizational crystallizations. The first is the Nationalist Party (Partido Nacionalista), operating in the late period of constitutional liberal monarchy, founded in 1903 on the basis of Catholic circles, whose initiator, leader, and main theoretician was Jacinto Cândido da Silva (1857–1926). The second is the metapolitical movement created after overthrowing the monarchy in 1914, aimed against the Republic, called Integralismo Lusitano. Its leader and main thinker was António Sardinha (1887–1925), and after his untimely death — Hipólito Raposo. Both organizations united nationalist doctrine with Catholic universalism, declaring subordination to the idea of national Christian ethics and the social doctrine of the Catholic Church. The difference between them, however, was that, although the party led by Cândido was founded, i.a., to save the monarchy, after its collapse, it doubted the sense of combining the defence of Catholicism against the militant secularism of the Republic with monarchism. Lusitanian integralists, on the other hand, saw the salvation of national tradition and Christian civilization in the restoration of monarchy — not liberal, but organic, traditionalist, anti-parliamentary, anti-liberal, and legitimistic. Eventually, the Nationalist Party gave rise to the Catholic-social movement from which an António Salazar’s corporate New State (Estado Novo, 1889–1970) originated, while Lusitanian Integralism was the Portuguese quintessential reactionary counter-revolution, for which Salazarism was also too modernist.


Author(s):  
Vanessa L. Fong

Sociologists, anthropologists, and historians have focused on diversity, inequality, and historical transformations in childhood and education in East Asian societies, while psychologists have focused on how the cultures, policies, and practices of East Asian societies have resulted in educational outcomes and patterns of child development that differ from those of societies outside East Asia, especially the United States. Prior to the 1980s, scholarship about childhood and education in East Asian societies was sparse, as social science scholarship infrastructures in East Asian societies were weak owing to political and economic limitations that resulted from the chaos left by the wars and revolutions that ravaged East Asian societies during the first half of the 20th century. In addition, the social sciences were dominated by Anglophone scholars whose interest in East Asian societies focused mostly on non–child-related aspects of those societies’ cultures, social structures, histories, politics, and literatures, while Anglophone psychologists and education researchers concentrated primarily on childhood and education in their own societies, paying little attention to these issues in East Asia. Scholarly interest in childhood and education in East Asia flourished after the 1980s, though,as a result of the increasing cultural, political, and economic power of East Asian societies; their tendency to do as well as, or even better than, Anglophone societies in international academic competitions; the rising numbers of emigrants from East Asia who brought interest and expertise in their home societies to the Anglophone societies to which they migrated; and globalizing forces that made East Asian societies more interesting to Anglophone social scientists, including psychologists and education researchers who had previously paid little attention to international comparisons. The amount of scholarly attention each country has attracted has been proportionate to its population, emigration patterns, and cultural, political, and economic influence on the rest of the world; thus, mainland China has attracted the bulk of scholarly attention paid to East Asian societies, with Japan coming in second, the Republic of Korea (South Korea) coming in third, and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (North Korea) not represented at all because it has been inaccessible to social scientists outside its borders.


Author(s):  
Svetlana Shcherbak

In this article, we discuss the modernization hypothesis in consideration of the causes of democratization related to economic development. The modernization hypothesis was formulated in the mid-twentieth century in the midst of specific economic and socio-political conditions. Since then, both societies and representations of their developments have changed. Current research disregards these transformations; therefore, with this work, we aim to fill the gap. We make clear how the neo-liberal turn influenced representations of economic development and democracy. Realization of the neo-liberal economic policy resulted in important social changes, particularly the rise of inequality and the wave of populism that endangers liberal democracy. At the same time, the modernization hypothesis is based on presumptions that economic development leads to income equalization and the creation of the broad middle class. Our analysis reveals that empirical surveys tend to confirm the relationship between economic development and democracy. However, economic growth does not necessarily entail more equal income distribution. The rise of populism indirectly confirms the rightness of the modernization hypothesis and suggests an important role for class dynamics. Democratization necessitates not only the establishment of liberal institutions but also the transformation of the social structure via convergence of incomes.


Author(s):  
Nic Panagopoulos

This paper attempts to theorize two twentieth-century fictional dystopias, Brave New World (2013) and Nineteen Eighty-Four (1984), using Plato’s political dialogues. It explores not only how these three authors’ utopian/dystopian visions compare as types of narrative, but also how possible, desirable, and useful their imagined societies may be, and for whom. By examining where the Republic, Brave New World, and Nineteen Eighty-Four stand on such issues as social engineering, censorship, cultural and sexual politics, the paper allows them to inform and critique each other, hoping to reveal in the process what may or may not have changed in utopian thinking since Plato wrote his seminal work. It appears that the social import of speculative fiction is ambivalent, for not only may it lend itself to totalitarian appropriation and application—as seems to have been the case with The Republic—but it may also constitute a means of critiquing the existing status quo by conceptualizing different ways of thinking and being, thereby allowing for the possibility of change.


Author(s):  
Ekaterina Ermolaeva ◽  
Aleksandr Gruzdev

The Republic of Korea underwent intensive industrialization in the 1960s – 1970s, followed by a range of sociocultural transformations. The society suffered changes, and the fact that the government restricted freedom in sociopolitical environment and undertook unpopular economic decisions made this process even more painful. This led to the formation of civil opposition. The composition of the participants in the movement against the dictatorship was diverse, and all of them to one or another extent infringed on their rights. An interesting nuance of the movement for democracy in South Korea is the role of the Christian Church in its consolidation. The subject of this research is the Christian Church in the movement against dictatorship in the Republic of Korea. The goal is to analyze the process of the Christian church's joining the protest movement. The questions of interaction between the society and religious circles, the level of Church engagement in the social processes remain on the agenda in many countries. The novelty of this work is defined by articulation of the problem. The emphasis is placed on the motives of social participation of the Christian Church in South Korea, its interaction with the society and government structures. The following conclusions were made: joining the antigovernment movement by the Protestant and Catholic churches in South Korea is first and foremost associated with their pursuit to expand their range of influence, increase the number of believers prevailing in the competition, and secondly –  with the response to authoritarian methods of governing the country. The interaction between society and the Church within the framework of democratic movement was mutually advantageous. The level of involvement of various religious organizations differed, but all Christian denominations represented in South Korea in one way or another proved themselves in the fight against the dictatorship.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 29-35 ◽  
Author(s):  
Seung Hyun Seo

The article analyzes the population trends and the family and demographic policy in the contemporary Republic of Korea. The main emphasis is made on the analysis of low birth rate in the country. Until the end of the 20th century, the two-child family model prevailed in South Korea, however, in the last decade birth and marriage rates have become among the lowest in the world. Why has fertility fallen so dramatically far below replacement level? The article discusses the causes of fertility decline, as well as the social factors that contribute to and hinder the implementation of state measures to stimulate and increase the birth rate in the Republic of Korea. In particular, the social and gender aspects of solving the problem of low fertility are analyzed.


2005 ◽  
Vol 35 (3) ◽  
pp. 266-295 ◽  
Author(s):  
Miho Ishii

AbstractIn this article I attempt to analyze the transformation of savanna-originated spirit or suman shrines in a cocoa-producing migrant society in the Eastern Region of the Republic of Ghana. At the beginning of the twentieth century, various suman shrines were established as places where people were accused of witchcraft or exorcized in Akan societies. Earlier studies have called these 'anti-witchcraft shrines' and interpreted this phenomenon as being a result of the social change caused by the booming cocoa industry. In the meantime, the main function of suman shrines has been transformed from one associated with witchcraft, which is connected with kinship order in Akan societies, into one offering treatment against magic relating to ethnic conflicts over land. I point out that this shift in the function of suman shrines reflects a shift in local political disputes, namely from maintaining the birthrate within matrilineal kin groups in order to keep up numbers in the work force to the inter-ethnic relations found in the usufruct and contracts concerning farmland between landowners and tenants.


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