THE FIFTH PROLETARIAN MUSEUM. HISTORY OF CREATION AND ACTIVITIES OF THE MOSCOW ART MUSEUM IN THE 1920S

Author(s):  
Nataliya B. Bezrukova ◽  

The article highlights the history of the so-called proletarian museums that opened in Moscow’s working-class suburbs in the 1920s. The study of their activities seems relevant, since it opens up the opportunity for a deeper study of the history of art museums in Moscow in the 1920s. Special attention is given to the Fifth Proletarian museum, which was a part of the State Tretyakov Gallery. More archival documents have survived on this museum than on any other of the proletarian museums. After studying some unpublished documents in Russia’s major archives, the author has discovered some important, previously unknown facts about these museums. This article takes a close look at how the paperwork was handled at the museum, how the items were registered, accounted for and taken care of and how the collections were accumulated and organized. Also thoroughly described in the article is the history of the museum’s closure as the author analyzes why it was eventually shut down. Moscow’s proletarian museums went down in history as an original new form of art institutions targeting “uncultured” visitors. Unfortunately, these museums were short-lived as they fell victim to the lack of funding and shortage of trained staff during the New Economic Policy era (1921–1928).

2020 ◽  
pp. 169-179
Author(s):  
Yuri N. Timkin ◽  

Drawing on archival materials from the State Archive of the Kirov Region and the State Archive of Social and Political History of the Kirov Region, the article analyzes attitudes to the New Economic Policy (NEP) in the party organizations of the RCP (B) of the Vyatka guberina in 1921. The novelty of this work lies in the fact that the author draws on archival documents to investigate the attitude of communists to the decision of the X Congress of the RCP (B) to replace surplus tax by tax in kind (prodnalog) and other measures for the development of the NEP in 1921. It turns out that party workers in position of responsibility and ordinary members of the party, as a rule, understood and perceived the NEP in their own way, reading into it the interests and needs of different social and professional groups. Moreover, there emerged some ideological differences due to different understanding of the political goals of the New Economic Policy. For the first time in local historiography, the author has introduced into scientific use some previously unknown archival facts. The analysis of the archival material allows the author to conclude that the attitude to the NEP of party workers in position of responsibility and of rank-and-file members differed. If the “top” of the party discussed the ideological aspects of the NEP, the “bottom” members, as a rule, were interested in its practical orientation. There was no unanimous support for the NEP not just among the responsible party workers, but also among the rank-and-file members. The author comes to the conclusion that the lack of clear understanding of the nature of the New Economic Policy caused disagreements in the party ranks, which, in absence of the tradition of broad discussion of controversial issues, was fraught with danger of a split. The Military Communism ideology and low literacy (including political one) that prevailed in the party ranks did not promote good understanding of the new party course and its creative application under specific regional conditions. Critics and open opponents of the NEP faced “organizational conclusions.”


1970 ◽  
pp. 117-126
Author(s):  
KAMIL LIPIŃSKI

The article addresses artes memoriae perceived as documentary traces of a spatial project which has slipped to oblivion, namely Une Cité Industrielle by Tony Garnier from 1917, redefined by Cité de Création in the context of urban housing. The movement, revolving around modern philosophies of urban planning and launched at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries assumed elimination of private property, equality of the working class and division into zones. It also restored the concept of the relations between nature, history of the inhabitants,industrial and historical development of Viollet-Le-Duc functionality and locality. A contemporary cluster of murals creates a mosaic of historical memorial spaces and contributes to Lyon’s development in a new form.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (3B) ◽  
pp. 411-420
Author(s):  
Andrei Ivanovich Baksheev ◽  
Pavel Alexandrovich Novikov ◽  
Sergey Alekseevich Safronov ◽  
Svetlana Petrovna Shtumpf ◽  
Dmitry Vladimirovich Rakhinsky

The objective of this research is to analyze the frameworks and views on the peasant question in Soviet Russia over the examined period. Using the historical, descriptive narrative, comparative, and typological methods, the authors look into the 1917 land reform, attempts to organize large-scale socialist agriculture in 1918–1920, the specific features of the temporary solutions to the peasant question in the period of the New Economic Policy, and the subsequent focus on industrialization and forced collectivization of agriculture. The authors conclude that the Bolshevik doctrine evolutionized and preserved full strategic continuity, having undergone several timely tactical adjustments. Each of these stages represented the Bolsheviks’ attempts to retain political control over the predominantly agrarian country, for which purpose the “leading” (in other words, the commanding, dictating, or domineering) role of the working class and the poorest layers of countrymen was persistently proclaimed in relation to peasants who produced surplus goods and had a different system of value (worldview) priorities.


2021 ◽  
pp. 81-104
Author(s):  
Mykola Bondarchuk

The purpose of the study is a comprehensive analysis of the measures taken by the relevant Soviet authorities in the USSR during the period of the new economic policy (NEP) in order to eliminate the manifestations of organized crime. Objectives of the study: to determine the main causes of banditry and its manifestations in Soviet Ukraine in the NEP; to explore the ways and methods of struggle of the Soviet power against it. The methodological basis of the study are general scientific (logical, comparative), and special historical methods (problem-chronological). They allowed to determine this period, in which the problem of organized crime is studied specifically, in chronological and logical order. Comparative analysis was used to study individual phenomena of this process. The study is also based on the principles of scientificity, historicism and objectivity. The scientific novelty of the study is that for the first time a comprehensive analysis of the manifestations of organized crime in Soviet Ukraine in 1921-1928 and ways to combat them was carried out. New archival documents on this issue and materials of periodicals of those years were put into scientific circulation. An attempt has been made to give an objective, unbiased assessment of these phenomena and the actions of the Soviet authorities in those years. Conclusions. The new economic policy of the Soviet state during the 1920's was implemented against the background of increasing manifestations of various social anomalies. The struggle against them took place in a difficult socio-economic situation in which the society found itself after the First World War. According to the analysis of the archival sources, the Soviet authorities attached great importance to these measures, and first of all to their termination. These problems were caused by various factors, but primarily by the destructive processes in society itself and the struggle of the Bolsheviks for the establishment of their power. This also applies to the events of the recent Civil War in the former Russian Empire and the state liberation struggle in Ukraine in 1917-1921. One of the main reasons for the growth of organized crime was a difficult economic situation caused by the effects of military communism. In the period under study, namely in the first half of the 1920's, the process of formation of the law enforcement system of the Soviet power took place. The main burden of responsibility for the state of the criminogenic situation in the country rested with the local police.


Author(s):  
Andrey L. Yurganov ◽  

The article studies the concept of “general line” in the history of the Bolshevik Party during the second half of the 1920s. N.I. Bukharin first introduced that concept into the political lexicon, speaking at the Fourteenth Party Conference (1925). The concept fixed the basic idea of the new economic policy – that it was necessary to fight against two tendencies: against considering the kulaks as the main peasant force in the village and against ignoring the main figure in the village – the middleman. That notion had a debatable meaning – above all. It was actively used by representatives of the united opposition. It was not until the beginning of 1929, when the transition from the new economic policy to the methods of military-administrative management of agriculture was outlined, that the notion of the “general line” of the Party began to express the opinion of the Central Committee of the Party and the General Secretary personally. At the beginning of 1929, Stalin posed the question that any disagreement, even the slightest, with the “general line” of the Party in conditions of aggravation of the class struggle meant a “rightwing deviation”. Subsequently, the concept became the symbolic designation of totalitarianism.


Author(s):  
Aleksander L. Avrekh

The gap remains in the development of history of Derzhavin Tambov State University: history of Tambov workers’ faculty (TWF) is not revealed. Having emerged as a part of Tambov State University in November 1919, the Tambov workers’ faculty after the liquidation of the university existed as an independent regional educational institution until 1930, when it became part of the newly created Tambov Agrarian Pedagogical Institute until the abolition of workers’ faculty in 1939. Being an institution directly associated with higher education, Tambov workers’ faculty was the institutional connector of the first Tambov university with Tambov State Pedagogical Institute/Derzhavin University, setting the “continuity” for the century of higher education in the Tambov Region. The task of training future “proletarian specialists” – Tambov workers’ faculty solved in very difficult conditions of New Economic Policy and the period of “socialist reconstruction”. On the basis of archival documents introduced into scientific circulation for the first time, we examine Tambov workers’ faculty crises, caused by the intention of the Center, which referred to the lack of funds and the non-proletarian nature of the governorate, to liquidate the Tambov workers’ faculty in 1922 and 1924. We present data that demonstrate relatively successful indicators of the Tambov workers’ faculty main activity, which, combined with the strong support of local authorities, made it possible to maintain workers’ faculty, which became the only Tambov educational institution directly oriented to universities after the liquidation of the Practical Institute of Public Education (PIPE) and the Agricultural Institute (AI).


Slavic Review ◽  
1998 ◽  
Vol 57 (3) ◽  
pp. 516-542 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julie Hessler

One of the firmest popular conceptions of the Soviet Union in the United States is of a system diat categorically banned private enterprise. Embraced by specialists and the general public alike, this conception reflects the official Soviet stance diat the private sector was eradicated during losif Stalin's “great break” of 1929-30. Indeed, over the course of diose two years, individual peasants were compelled to collectivize, private stores forcibly shut, private manufactures socialized, and even doctors and dentists pressured to cooperate or to close shop. The concept of an interdiction against all private economic activity found support in the words of the dictator–Stalin's assertions that the Soviet Union was a society “without capitalists, small or big,” that socialist, not capitalist, property was the “foundation of revolutionary legality,” and many other statements of a similar ilk. Stalin proved his commitment to this model by his readiness to resort to coercion against its violators: at his instigation, repressive laws threatened entrepreneurs with five to ten years in prison camp for profitable private business. Such developments appeared as unequivocal as they proved lasting; when commentators discussed perestroika in the late 1980s, the only historical precedent they could identify was Lenin's New Economic Policy six decades before.


Author(s):  
Vladimir Il`inykh ◽  
Sergey Sharapov

In September 2021 Novosibirsk hosted The All-Russian Scientific Conference «Russian Economic Reforms in Regional Terms», which was organized with financial support from the fund «Istoria Otechestva» («History of Motherland»). The conference resulted in setting the objective to study the stages of economic reforms, which took place in the territory of Russia and its regions in the late 19th and early 20th century. Another task of the conference was to observe the general and specific influence of spatial factor on the intensions, implementations and results of the reforms. Researchers from different Russian cities presented their findings on agrarian colonization and development of the regions, economic policy and reforming strategies, as well as on changes in the economic governance systems. Since the conference was dedicated to the 100-th anniversary of the NEP, it paid special attention to scientific understanding of general patterns and specific features of the NEP implementation. The review provides information on the main reports and papers, related to the NEP topic. It also presented a summary of the debates, which took place at the round table «The NEP: Results and Research Perspectives».


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