scholarly journals Szakszerűség, tudományosság, kritikusság – a politikai aktivitás kezdetei az egyetemi ifjúság körében kétszáz éve

Gerundium ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 43-58
Author(s):  
János Ugrai
Keyword(s):  
Critical Thinking ◽  
University Students ◽  
19Th Century ◽  
Public Affairs ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
The Political ◽  
Early 19Th Century ◽  
Political Role ◽  
Political Act

Comp etence, Erudition and Critical Thinking. The Beginnings of Political Act ivity among University Students in the Early 19th Century. The first decade of the 19th century was a period of significant change in terms of the political activity of European university students. They had come forward before in hope of achieving interest- or value-based goals, and in such cases, they exhibited a considerable ability to promote their own interests. However, their involvement and political role was entirely different in the Middle Ages and Early Modern Times. From the 1810s on, the opinion and activity of university student as political actors independent from both the university and the professors were taken into account – and often even feared – by the political elite in power. The transformation of university students’ political role was the result of several, almost simultaneous changes accumulating. Due to the branching off of professional degrees and the increasing expertise of their scientific base, expectations of civic engagement based on critical thinking, and a new kind of uncertainty deriving from various sources made university students especially responsive to problems of their times. Several factors played a vital role in this growing responsiveness: the (cameralist) teachings of the Enlightenment; the strengthening of academies of science, which were the primary competitors of universities; as well as a concomitant separation of disciplines and the disappearance of the shared theological-philosophical-philological language used before. These factors were intensified by career starter graduates’ recurring fears of unemployment – triggered by processes of professionalization – which further increased university students’ interest in public affairs and their political activity.

Pro-Qajar Elements in Dagestan (Early 19th Century)

2010 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 279-286
Author(s):  
Temur Aytberov ◽  
Shahban Khapizov
Keyword(s):  
19Th Century ◽  
English Translation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Historical Documents ◽  
Early 19Th Century ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Russian Academy Of Sciences ◽  
Persian Wars ◽  
Academy Of Sciences

AbstractIt is known that the Qajars had their supporters in Dagestan during the Russo-Persian Wars in the early 19th century. This fact is well documented in Persian chronicles and royal decrees (firmāns), as well as in the materials from the Russian archives. However, the number of historical documents originating from the region itself is drastically few. This paper presents three letters in Arabic, without dates, but definitely from the same period, illustrating the political situation of the time in the mountains of Dagestan and the geographical extent of the Qajar influence in the area. The letters were discovered recently in the Archives of the Institute of Archaeology and Ethnography, Dagestan Centre, Russian Academy of Sciences in Makhachkala. The English translation is accompanied by the facsimile reproduction of the original texts, and commentaries.

scholarly journals Politicization of Religion in Theoretical and Terminological Understanding

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-40
Author(s):  
M. Kh. Abdullaev
Keyword(s):  
Mutual Influence ◽  
Human Life ◽  
Religion And Politics ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
Practical Significance ◽  
The Political ◽  
Spiritual Values ◽  
Theoretical Understanding ◽  
Political Role ◽  
The Rich

The article is devoted to an actual interdisciplinary problem at the intersection of political science and religious studies – the discourse of the political in religion, the politicization of religion, the artificial transfer of purely spiritual values, phenomena and categories into the political field in order to use religion for political purposes. The author considers the problem from two angles: (1) the politicization of religion for mercenary purposes and (2) the clergy’s political activity based on a deliberately politicized religious teaching that has a strong political platform (ideology) at its core. This study is purely theoretical, and nevertheless the author undertakes a number of empirical digressions in order to demonstrate how the politicization of religion manifests itself in the socio-political sphere of human life. Thus, the main problem of the study should be designated as a theoretical understanding and disclosure of the practical significance (i.e., risks and effects) of the religion politicization’s negativity and how it could effect on religious groups. The article identifies the objective factors of the mutual influence of religion and politics, the presence of strong political origins in a number of creeds, and the rich historical experience of the political role of faith in society.

L'impatto e le implicazioni della lingua e della cultura inglese ai confini dell'Impero britannico in India durante il XIX secolo

FUTURIBILI ◽  
2009 ◽  
pp. 205-227
Author(s):  
Beatrice Nicolini
Keyword(s):  
19Th Century ◽  
The Political ◽  
British India ◽  
Early 19Th Century ◽  
European Crisis

- In the late 18th and early 19th century information in English in European hands regarding the lands between Persia and the western borders of British India was scarce at best, completely absent at worst. It was at the outbreak of a European crisis that the absence of cartographic and topographic documents on those lands - now part of Pakistan - suddenly became the centre of concern and tension, above all for the political and military governors of British India.

Brazilian Historiography in the 19th Century

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thiago Lima Nicodemo ◽  
Pedro Afonso Cristovão dos Santos ◽  
Mateus Henrique de Faria Pereira
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
19Th Century ◽  
Historical Narrative ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Independence ◽  
Personal Archives ◽  
In The Beginning ◽  
Public Archives ◽  
The 19Th Century

Brazilian historiography in the 19th century stands for a variety of practices and ways of doing history. In the beginning of the century, the writing of history assumed a specific color after the arrival of the Portuguese Court in 1808, who were escaping the invasion of Portugal by Napoleonic troops. After political independence from Portugal (1822), this writing had to deal with the questions that occupied the minds of its authors, people mostly close to or part of the political elite of the country. Forging a nationality through history, dealing with the tensions between local affiliations and the nation-state, placing indigenous and African peoples in the historical narrative, combining an exemplary history with future-oriented thinking, and using history for international relations issues (such as boundaries disputes) were among the motivations and preoccupations involved in that work. Underlying it all, the myriad ways of writing history in the 19th century had to do with the ways the authors circulated among a world of public archives in the making, personal archives available through certain connections, booksellers, publishers, oral informants, and a changing community of readers and critics that were conforming and disputing rules of acceptability as to what could be considered a work of history. Thinking about the Brazilian historiography of the 1800s as a way of combining practices of archiving, reading, copying, writing, and evaluating can help us understand the remarkable variety of histories and historiographical works written in the period.

scholarly journals Die Verwaltungsgliederung Preußens zwischen historisch-ständischen, administrativ-staatlichen und liberal-politischen Interessen (1815–1867)

Administory ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 185-206
Author(s):  
Anna Gianna Manca
Keyword(s):  
19Th Century ◽  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Unsuccessful Attempt ◽  
National Assembly ◽  
Political Role ◽  
The 19Th Century ◽  
Territorial Division ◽  
Prospect Of Success

Abstract The paper deals with the question of the administrative districts in an overall Prussian perspective and emphasizes, above all, the central political role played by the provincial districts and their main authorities within the spaces of the state and of administrative activity. On this basis, it will be possible to adequately appreciate the revolutionary but unsuccessful attempt to abolish them in 1848 by the liberaldemocratic wing of the Constitutional Commission of the Prussian National Assembly, as has not yet been accomplished within the existing historiography. First, the origins of the spatial-territorial division of Prussia existing around the middle of the 19th century are discussed. Within this framework special attention has been paid to the introduction of a provincial division, which led to that organization of internal administration into four instances under the minister (provinces, governmental districts, districts, municipalities) which was a peculiarity of the Prussian political and administrative spatial division compared with the other states of the German Confederation. Questions such as those of the basic division of the state’s space are so radical that they are usually raised with some prospect of success only at the foundation of states or during revolutions. Immediately afterwards, they tend to be included in the list of ›depoliticized technicalities‹, although they retain their fundamental importance for ensuring the political and administrative continuity of the state.

scholarly journals Between the old and the new : Friedrich Gentz, 1764-1832

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Ardis Travis Eakin
Keyword(s):  
19Th Century ◽  
French Revolution ◽  
Edmund Burke ◽  
The Political ◽  
Early 19Th Century ◽  
Revolutionary Era ◽  
The Enlightenment ◽  
Political Impact ◽  
Revolutionary Ideology ◽  
The 19Th Century

This dissertation reviews the life and political impact of Friedrich Gentz, who was born in Breslau, Prussia, in 1764, and died in Vienna, Austria, in 1832. Though remembered today as only a second- (or even third)- tier statesman alongside such luminaries of his day as Napoleon, Metternich, Wellington, and others, Gentz was nonetheless of importance in the shifting tides of late 18th and early 19th-century politics in Europe. The German translator of Edmund Burke, he was instrumental in bringing the conservative thinker's ideas into the conversations of Central Europe, while his writings against first the French Revolution, then Napoleon, marked him as one of the leading opponents of revolutionary ideology, and led the French emperor to dub him "that miserable scribe." But Gentz was important even beyond his anti-revolutionary polemics. As a product of the Enlightenment, he had some sympathy with the forces of modernity, and his career reflected the struggle to combine an openness to reform with hostility to revolution. In his later collaboration with Metternich to forge what became known as the Restoration, we can see just how much the post-Napoleonic conservative order in Europe was built upon a specific vision, one that rejected the quasi-feudal patterns of the ancien regime just as firmly as it did the democratic radicalism of its own day. Though it ultimately did not last, Gentz's work is clearly visible in the political contours of the 19th century. From the Enlightenment salons of Berlin to the dazzling Congress of Vienna and beyond, Between the Old and the New traces the eventful career of one of the most interesting men of letters in Revolutionary-era Europe.

Between Sciences of Origins and Religions of the Future: Questions of Philology

2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 201-236
Author(s):  
Maurice Olender
Keyword(s):  
19Th Century ◽  
Comparative Method ◽  
Early Church ◽  
The Political ◽  
Historical Period ◽  
Human Origins ◽  
Church Fathers ◽  
Early 19Th Century ◽  
The Future

The antique Christian “appropriation” of Hebrew by the Early Church Fathers was succeeded historically by a kind of scholarly appropriation that resulted in the emergence of a “ready-made India” founded on a new discourse about Sanskrit. In a world governed by romanticist visions undergirded with colonial aspirations, in a historical period between a Christianity weakened by Enlightenment philosophers and the advancement of scientistic secularism, certain scholarly fables about a primordial India came to resemble the fables about Hebrew. In this race toward the discovery of human origins, the new “Aryan Bible” required a new language of paradise: Sanskrit. Can one then say that India was appropriated within a scholarly environment that was being pulled between Christianity, secularism and scientism? Since our investigations have allowed us to demonstrate that this hypothesis is plausible, it is necessary to test this hypothesis through the clarification of the historical contexts, intellectual dynamics, and theological and political fields of action in which myth and reason mutually reinforce one another. While underlining the political stakes of the comparative method of anthropology, this article also recalls that not so long ago, knowledge of ancient and modern humanities often bore the mark of racial sciences that influenced all university disciplines from the early 19th century to the late 1940s.

The End of Corporate Political Activity

2020 ◽  
Vol 31 ◽  
pp. 139-151
Author(s):  
Tyler K. Wasson ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Multinational Corporations ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
Theoretical Development ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Environment ◽  
Corporate Political Activity ◽  
Market Strategy ◽  
Political Role ◽  
Political Outcomes ◽  
And Behaviors

Corporate political activity (CPA) is one of the most prolific academic literatures which examines the political behaviors of corporations. CPA researchers often define it as a non-market strategy which corporations can engage in to influence political outcomes that complement their market objectives. In this paper I argue that, despite continuous theoretical development, CPA has not kept pace with changes in the political role and behaviors of corporations, particularly multinational corporations (MNCs), which has resulted in an inaccurate view of the corporate political environment. Therefore, CPA theory ought to be updated to be more descriptively and theoretically accurate.

scholarly journals The Albanians in Yugoslavia from the late 1960s to the early 1980s

2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (5) ◽  
pp. 130-145
Author(s):  
Mariyana Stamova ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Leadership ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
The Political ◽  
Equal Rights ◽  
Autonomous Region ◽  
National Minorities ◽  
Albanian Population ◽  
The 1960S

The paper focuses on the events after the Brioni plenum of the Central Committee of the LCY in 1966. The turning point for the development of the national relationships in the Yugoslav federation became namely the Brioni plenim. This plenum and its decisions led to a liberalization of the national relationships in Yugoslavia, thus to the outburst of the Albanian problem, which was severely suppressed to this moment. This is the first major victory for the Albanians in Yugoslavia. In this regard, a movement has begun among the Albanian population in the multinational federation with the main goal of achieving full national recognition, including republican status for Kosovo. This new policy towards the minorities in Yugoslavia was introduced after the middle of the 1960s. Its expression became the new constitutional definition of “Yugoslav peoples and ethnoses”, which had to substitute the term “national minorities”. That led to changes into the rights of Albanians in Yugoslavia, and as a result their socio-political activity drastically aroused. The Yugoslav party leadership started again to look for a solution of the Albanian issue. Significant Yugoslav financial aid and investments were directed towards Kosovo, aiming at a closer incorporation of the Albanians in the Yugoslav federation and an interruption of their connection with Albania. After the Brioni Plenum, the Albanian problem in the Yugoslav Federation entered a qualitatively new state. The events in the Autonomous Province of Kosovo and the neighboring Republic of Macedonia at the end of 1968 played an important role in the further development of this problem and in the changes in the constitutional, legal and socio-political development of the Yugoslav Federation. So after the demonstrations of the Albanian population in Kosovo and Macedonia at the end of 1968, a “creeping Albanization” started in Kosovo. The Albanian political elite and intelligencia played the most important role in the imposition of the “Albanization” as a political line at the end of the 1960s. Albanians hold all important posts in administration, culture, education and political life of Kosovo. That led to an increasing mistrust between the Albanian population and the Serbian-Montenegrin minority, and the last was forced to leave its homes and to migrate in other republics and regions. The political leadership in Prishtina insisted the autonomous region to get equal rights with the republics as a federal unit. That is how at the beginning of the 1970s Kosovo issue transferred into a problem of the whole Yugoslav federation, not only a Serbian one. The Albanians in Prishtina were involved into the confrontation Zagreb-Belgrade and acquired a support from the Croatian side, as well as the Slovenian one in the efforts to take their problem out of Serbia and to put it on a federal level at the League Communists of Yugoslavia (LCY) and the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY). The processes in the political life of the autonomous region Kosovo were not isolated and were connected with the events in the Yugoslav federation as a whole, and precisely in Croatia at the end of the 1960s and the beginning of the 70s, which culmination was so-called “Zagreb Spring” in 1971. The Croatian crisis had an important influence on the national relationships in the federation and led to an inflammation of the national disputes. That had a direct impact on the political life of Kosovo. Searching for allies against Serbian hegemony and unitarism, which were the main danger for the Croatian republic, Zagreb’s political leadership supported Kosovo pretensions for the extension of the autonomous rights and the freedoms of the Albanians. The amendments to the federal system of Yugoslavia (1968-1971) and the new Yugoslav constitution from 1974 are reflected in Kosovo, which makes the Albanian problem not only a problem of Serbia, but also a common Yugoslav problem.

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