scholarly journals Soft Power and the 2022 World Cup in Qatar

تجسير ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 194-208
Author(s):  
Thomas Bonnie James

A growing body of literature recognizes the significance of soft power in Qatar's foreign policy. There is, however, limited research on the long-term impact that occurs from the over-dependency on the soft power. The popular rhetoric in most literature expresses that Qatar uses its soft power, often in the form of sports diplomacy, to meet its foreign policy objectives. The review paper attempts to identify to what extent the 2022 World Cup can be understood from the soft power perspective, and the role it plays in Qatar's foreign policy formulation and implementation, as well as the significance of soft power in comprehending Qatar's mega investments in the sporting sector. The first section elaborates into sport diplomacy functions and its origins. The second section elaborates on Qatar's involvement with International Sports. The third and arguably the most important section deals with soft power and sports diplomacy. The paper offers an up-to-date review of current studies about Qatar's international strategy for sport, whether for investment and diversification of state revenues or political and policy diplomacy motifs.

2013 ◽  
Vol 8 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 197-210 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andreia Soares e Castro

Summary This article begins by recognizing the importance of sport in South African history, before turning to South Africa’s vision and strategy, as articulated around and beyond the successful hosting of mega-events, particularly the 2010 FIFA World Cup, the first World Cup to be held on the African continent. The article suggests that mega-events are an important stage and priority of a broader and longer-term strategy of enhancing South Africa’s soft power, prestige and visibility. In this context, sport and mega-events are important foreign policy tools and have greatly benefited South Africa, the African continent and the international relations system. Using South Africa as a case study, this article explores the concept of sports diplomacy — that is, the use of sports as an instrument for furthering foreign policy goals, causes or interests — and argues that it is a significant and a rising source of soft power.


تجسير ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 145-170
Author(s):  
Noof Al-Dosari

Sport plays a significant role in politics and international relations. However, the relationship between soft power and hosting a sports mega-event such as the Olympic Games, or the FIFA world cup is unclear. Most literature that has examined the role of sport in Qatari soft power adheres to the Realist School of international relations theory. It has tended to emphasize the size of the country in understanding what motivates its engagement in sports diplomacy. This paper attempts to move beyond this realist analysis of soft power by drawing on the post-structuralist –interpretive approach and discourse theory. This perspective better accounts for how sports diplomacy is used in different cultural contexts. In arguing that Qatar represents particular cultural and historical traditions, and sports define the country’s distinct political identity, the paper looks at how Qatar has exercised soft power through sports diplomacy and hosting major international sports events. The paper will analyze formal state discourses surrounding Qatar’s decision to host FIFA World Cup 2022, and we discuss how this use of sports diplomacy is helping achieve several Qatari foreign policy goals.


2020 ◽  
pp. 100-113
Author(s):  
Tetyana Meteliova ◽  
Vira Chghen

The article is devoted to identifying the role of the Confucian component in shaping China’s foreign policy during the period of “reforms and openness”. The author analyzes the Chinese “soft power” model and its differences from the classical one, the theoretical foundations of which were formulated by J. Nye, and discovers the China’s “soft power” features in foreign policy and establishes its meaningful connection with Confucian values and concepts. The article provides an overview of “soft power” interpretations in the main works of Chinese scholars, examines the reflection of Confucian “soft power” ideas in the state and party documents and decisions of the period of “reforms and openness”, shows the application of Confucian principles in the foreign policy of China. It is shown that the creation of effective Chinese “soft power” tools is becoming a part of a purposeful and long-term policy of the state. Such tools include the swift reform of leading media, TV and radio companies using modern technologies and focusing on foreign audience abroad, promoting China’s traditional and modern culture in foreign cultural markets, increasing China’s presence on the world market, spreading and promoting the Chinese language, “Education Export” and widening educational contacts, economic ties development and scientific and technical cooperation, public diplomacy development, support of the compatriots living abroad. Geopolitically, China’s soft power strategy is focused on developing relations with its close neighbors and creating a security belt around China. It has been proved that modern China seeks to proclaim itself as a new “soft power” center, the creation of which is a part of the State purposeful long-term policy. It is accompanied by the active appeal of Chinese ideologists to the country's traditional cultural heritage and basing of this new foreign policy on the conservative values of Confucianism, which is a kind of civilizational code determining all aspects of social life for China.


Author(s):  
I. V. Tsoy ◽  
◽  
P. I. Zaynullina ◽  
◽  

The purpose of this study is to determine the role of cultural projects run by the Korea-Russia Dialogue Forum (KRD) in terms of the implementation of South Korea's foreign policy objectives using a soft power strategy. The tasks of the study were: to substantiate the importance of cultural initiatives in terms of soft power, to systematize and describe KRD projects in various spheres (literature, festivals, visual arts, cultural studies), to identify priority strategic vectors of South Korea’s foreign policy basing on the material considered. The structure of the work corresponds to the research objective setting. As a result of the analysis, several conclusions have been drawn. For instance, it was found out that the interaction between Russia and the Republic of Korea was characterized by horizontal ties between societies ("from civil ties to politics" vector). The research highlights the following soft power strategic tasks: the popularization of the Korean language in the world in general and in Russia in particular, the worldwide promotion of Korean cultural brands, the consolidation of the national community in foreign countries, and support for the implementation of the foreign policy tasks, specifically related to the process of tackling the North Korean issue. The Republic of Korea’s cultural projects can therefore be considered not only as culture related ones, but more extensively as a tool for pursuing the foreign interests of the state as well.


2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 123-131
Author(s):  
Nabin Kumar Khara

The article aims to analyse the increasing importance of soft power in the context of globalization and the growing conflicts over the use of military power for achieving foreign policy objectives. This article specifically focuses on the role of soft power in the foreign policy of India and sources of India’s soft power. It also examines the factors that affect India’s soft power adversely and how to increase its soft power. In international relations, the role of public diplomacy, among other aspects, is to brand the country and the nation through its culture and art. This article also argues that the increasing acceptability of its culture and values opens up possibilities for India to realize its foreign policy goals. In recent years, India’s leaders have increasingly focused on its diaspora, multicultural ethos and its ancient practices like yoga, through official campaigns and foreign visits. The article traces the evolution of India as a soft power since its emergence as an independent country. It explores how this soft power has shaped India’s foreign policy and behavior. India’s soft power assets are not of recent origin, but there is an increasing activism to use those assets effectively.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 135-146
Author(s):  
E. V. Kolokoltseva

The paper addresses the issue of the genesis and the evolution of the conceptual formation of the official attitudes toward the principles governing the representation of the Russian Federation and their scientific covering. It appearance in key foreign policy documents and its significance is analyzed with the view to two major conceptual schemes: the international image and the objective perception. Both concepts were examined with comparative research methods. The problems of tracing the current transformations in the official rhetoric to the transformations that are now taking shape in promoting Russia are the factors why this issue is relevant. The particular aspects of the research included the key documents of official bodies endowed with powers to shape foreign policy that were published in the period between 2000 and 2019. The activities of the key institutions and content providers in what concerns international positioning were outlines. Holding and covering mega-events, such as the 2014 Sochi Winter Olympics and the 2018 FIFA World Cup, also served the image needs and, in this respect, was examined in the paper. The concept and method of soft power is introduced for analysis, as it is increasingly efficient and useful in both these respects. The paper concludes with stating that the practice of positive positioning of Russia abroad was substituted in favour of the one of engendering objective perception. The main concern for that consisted in foreign pressure and negative information campaigns, so the decision was a counter measure. In this context, the shift between the two concepts of international promotion is revealed in official documents, having a considerable effect on the communicative potential in terms of acting in accordance with the fundamental values and real attitudes inherent in the Russian culture. Esse quam videri is now not only the national principle, but also the foreign image.


Author(s):  
A. V. Torkunov

The article analyses the potential of Russian tertiary education as a tool of long term influence in world politics. It makes a coherent review of a changing nature of leadership in world politics, shows advantages and disadvantages of Russian education as a soft power tool, evaluates the current government initiatives to improve the quality and attractiveness of Russian universities and colleges.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 130-141
Author(s):  
A. V. Borisov

The concept of «soft power» has long been the subject of domestic social, political and scientific discourses. At the same time, the current specificity of the Russian understanding of “soft power” as “comprehensive toolkit” for achieving country’s foreign policy objectives without the use of armed violence leads to attempts to define its structure, measure its effectiveness and further optimization. Such an approach has a number of consequences. Firstly, it impoverish the scientific discussion, secondly, it leads to an inefficient building of a communication system with the foreign policy environment. An instrumental approach that prevailed in the domestic political science and foreign policy practice deflect the attention and the resources to create channels and forms of communication to the detriment of its content. The key problem, according to the author, is the content of communication channels, the use of historical memory, as the main resource of “soft power”. An appeal to a common historical past makes it difficult to communicate in the Post-Soviet space, especially during the creation by the Post-Soviet community their national versions of the “long” history and it causes the alarm among political elites in Post-Soviet space.


2020 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 66-72
Author(s):  
Valeriі Rіeznikov

The newest policy of Ukraine should be to develop such state concepts, strategies and programs that would contribute to the European integration of the country, taking into account the current challenges of today. The purpose of the article is to define the conceptual foundations of the strategy of formation and implementation of state policy in the sphere of European integration of Ukraine in modern conditions. The conceptual framework of the national strategy for the European integration of Ukraine is a general concept of the country’s long-term actions, a certain model of the mission realization and achievement of long-term goals, which defines its development prospects, main directions and priorities of activity in the European integration sphere. Such a generalized European integration concept of Ukraine is reflected in the relevant state documents, laws and by-laws, and within the framework of the state strategy, strategies for development of various spheres, sectors and sectors of economy and public life are developed and implemented in accordance with the existing requirements, rules and regulations of the euro framework documents.A significant event in the European integration of Ukraine into the EU was the introduction of amendments to the Constitution of Ukraine (concerning the strategic course of the state for the acquisition of full membership of Ukraine in the European Union and in the Organization of the North Atlantic Treaty). In addition to the issues related to the implementation of the Association Agreement, further progress on the European integration of Ukraine should also take place in the following areas: associations with the Schengen area; accession to the EU customs union; accession to the EU Energy Union; the entry into force of the common aviation space; joining the digital market, etc.Integration with the EU is an important component of Ukraine’s foreign policy. However, conceptually, European integration should be seen first and foremost as a comprehensive domestic state policy aimed at introducing reforms and transformations that are necessary and important for Ukrainian society, and only then, as a component of foreign state policy, which depends largely on the political will of the EU on the pace and full integration with our country. Thus, the strategy of Ukraine’s integration into the European Union should ensure the country’s accession to the European political, legal, economic, informational and security space. Obtaining full EU membership in the medium term on this basis should become a major foreign policy priority of Ukraine’s policy formulation and implementation policy in the face of contemporary challenges of today.


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