scholarly journals “Willing Victims”: The Prevalence of Violence And Public Discourse against Indigenous Women and Girls

INvoke ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cassidy Johnson
Keyword(s):  
Public Discourse ◽  
Theoretical Framework ◽  
Indigenous Women ◽  
Women And Girls ◽  
The Creation ◽  
Police Abuse

Drawing on the current research, I argue that the extensive violence against Canada's Indigenous women and girls is enabled by public discourses that rely heavily on racist stereotypes. I use Razack's theoretical framework of "gendered disposibility" and "colonial terror" as a lense for critically viewing violence against Indigenous women and girls. To demonstrate the severity of violence, evidence from the Highway of Tears cases, incidents of police abuse, and the creation of the National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls are all covered. 

Epistemic Injustice and Indigenous Women: Toward Centering Indigeneity in Social Work

Affilia ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 088610992098526
Author(s):  
Marjorie Johnstone ◽  
Eunjung Lee
Keyword(s):  
Social Workers ◽  
Indigenous Women ◽  
Epistemic Injustice ◽  
Feminist Activism ◽  
Indigenous Resistance ◽  
Systemic Analysis ◽  
Life Journey ◽  
Women And Girls ◽  
Miranda Fricker ◽  
Individual Perspective

Using the theoretical framework of epistemic injustice articulated by philosopher Miranda Fricker as an analytic tool, we analyze recent victories of Indigenous feminist activism in gathering the stories of Indigenous women, challenging dominant meta-narratives and rewriting the herstory of Canada. We use the epistemic concept of the hermeneutic gap to consider the implications of this resistance in conjunction with the increased visibility of the intersectional positionality of Indigenous women. To illustrate our analysis, we focus on two case studies. Firstly, an individual perspective through the life journey of a feminist Anishinaabe Activist, Bridgett Perrier. Secondly, we conduct a systemic analysis of the recent Report on the National Inquiry into the Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls (MMIWG). We close with a discussion on how critical it is for social workers—especially non-Indigenous social workers—to relearn and document the meaning of the MMIWG issues. This includes recognizing Indigenous resistance, activism, and the newly formulated hermeneutic understandings that are emerging. Then, the final task is to apply these concepts to their practice and heed the calls to action which the report calls for.

Migrants, Metaphors and Manipulation: a Multimodal Case Study of Trump’s Speeches on Immigration (2015-2017)

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bérengère Lafiandra
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Election ◽  
Conceptual Metaphor ◽  
Theoretical Framework ◽  
Conceptual Metaphor Theory ◽  
Corpus Study ◽  
The Third ◽  
Metaphor Theory ◽  
The Creation ◽  
Linguistic Aspect

This article intends to analyze the use of metaphors in a corpus of Donald Trump’s speeches on immigration; its main goal is to determine how migrants were depicted in the 2016 American presidential election, and how metaphor manipulated voters in the creation of this image. This study is multimodal since not only the linguistic aspect of speeches but also gestures are considered. The first part consists in presenting an overview of the theories on metaphor. It provides the theoretical framework and develops the main tenets of the ‘Conceptual Metaphor Theory’ (CMT). The second part deals with multimodality and presents what modes and gestures are. The third part provides the corpus and methodology. The last part consists in the corpus study and provides the main source domains as well as other rhetorical tools that are used by Trump to depict migrants and manipulate voters.

Development of a Tourism Destination: Exploring the Role of Destination Capabilities

2018 ◽  
Vol 43 (4) ◽  
pp. 517-543 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ruggero Sainaghi ◽  
Manuela De Carlo ◽  
Francesca d’Angella
Keyword(s):  
Product Development ◽  
New Product Development ◽  
Development Process ◽  
New Product ◽  
Theoretical Framework ◽  
Tourism Destination ◽  
Limited Role ◽  
Dynamic Perspective ◽  
The Creation

This article aims to identify the key elements underlying a destination capability (DC) and to examine what the genesis of these factors is and how they interact to foster the destination development. The article explores a specific development process—the creation of a new product in an alpine destination (Livigno, Italy)—making use of a theoretical framework structured around four major dimensions: DCs, coordination at the destination level, inter-destination bridge ties, and destination development. The results help clarify the genesis of a DC in the context of new product development. First, the dynamics underlying the creation of a DC show that coordination at the destination level constitutes the heart of the process, whereas the integration of scattered resources in the new product plays a more limited role. Second, from a dynamic perspective, the analysis has identified three patterns (scouting, implementation, and involvement).

scholarly journals Savings and investment equality does not prevail according to Keynesian definitions

2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (9) ◽  
pp. 97-105
Author(s):  
Tamás Bánfi
Keyword(s):  
Common Sense ◽  
Theoretical Framework ◽  
Monetary Authority ◽  
Market Mechanisms ◽  
The Public ◽  
Public Investments ◽  
General Government ◽  
Government Deficit ◽  
The Creation ◽  
The Government

Aside from the general government and the non-resident sector, textbooks on macroeconomics uniformly define the following correlation under the terms investment and saving: I = S. The I = S equality is naturally and legitimately interpreted by macroeconomic textbooks almost without exception as the equality between intended investments and intended savings, because the equality ‒ if we accept it ‒ is not only a definitive identity, but generally the outcome of market mechanisms that take time. Keynes’s first critic was Robertson who claimed that “his analysis corresponded to what common-sense proclaims (even to the simple-minded) to be the essence of the matter; namely, the power possessed by the public and by the monetary authority to alter the rates of income flow – the former by putting money into and out of store, the latter by putting it into and out of existence. Thus, in his definition, I = S + (A + B), in which A is new money and B is reactivated idle balances. ” Robertson's comment could have been addressed with a simple correction, and the tool used for funding the expansion of state (public) investments, i.e. the government deficit financed by the creation of new money, is a consistent element of the theoretical framework.

Blackness, Race, and Politics in Argentina

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Judith M. Anderson ◽  
Patricia Gomes
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Public Discourse ◽  
Buenos Aires ◽  
Large Population ◽  
The United States ◽  
Mutual Aid ◽  
Black Activism ◽  
Late 20Th Century ◽  
The World ◽  
The Creation

Africans and Afro-descendants in Argentina have a long tradition of organizing to resist all forms of oppression. This can be traced back to the 17th century with various forms of organizations including cofradias (religious brotherhoods or fraternal organizations), naciones (Afro-descendant social and cultural organizations), mutual aid societies, and military-based organizations in Río de la Plata, the region that would become Argentina and Uruguay. From the mid-19th to the early 20th centuries, as a part of the construction of the Argentine nation as European, white, and “civilized,” the myth of black disappearance was reified through discursive elimination and the cessation of collecting data on race or color in official records. The rise of Peronism in the 1940s would cause the return of race to public discourse, as large internal migrations of nonwhites from the interior of the country descended on major cities like Buenos Aires. The opponents of Perón, and his policies that embraced these poor migrants, mocked these individuals as cabecitas negras (derogatory term meaning “little black heads”), but they would open the possibility for a new reworking of a more inclusive Argentina. The new migrants represented a merging of categories of race and class, as these negros included Afro-Argentines who formed part of Perón’s constituency. The late 20th century would bring more direct challenges to black invisibility, with multiple new organizations and events centered on the experiences of the African diaspora in Argentina. One of the first organizations created after the return to democracy in Argentina was the Comité Argentino Latinoamericano contra el Apartheid (The Argentine Committee against Apartheid) in 1984. The example set by this organization, alongside inspiration from black liberation movements in the United States, Brazil, and on the African continent, would be a catalyst for the creation of numerous new black organizations for decades to come. Black organizing in Argentina found support in activist networks across the globe as well as across international organizations, which was reflected by the multicultural turn in Latin America during the 1990s. The era sparked the creation of significant legislation and activities due to pressure from local activists and the international community through organizations like the Inter-American Development Bank and the World Bank. One of the earliest conferences organized by Argentine black activists was the first Jornada de Cultura Negra (Black Culture Conference) in 1991. The National Institute Against Discrimination, Xenophobia, and Racism (INADI) was created in 1995 by the Argentine state to address the needs of marginalized populations in Argentine society. The late 1990s and early 2000s saw increased immigration of highly visible Africans and Afro-descendants from Latin America and Caribbean countries, which led to the creation of novel organizations to serve their specific needs. New conferences and events that provided opportunities for these diasporas to organize and interact, like the Semana de África (Africa Week), were also created. Along with the existing black communities in Argentina, these organizations contributed to new legislation officially recognizing Afro-descendant populations and condemning racism. Many of these legislative acts were passed under the Fernández de Kirchner administration (2007–2015), like the 2015 Law No. 5.261 Against Discrimination, which provided a more comprehensive antidiscrimination policy, and the historic 2010 Argentine census which restored the possibility of identifying as Afro-descendant. The reappearance of the category in the 2010 census after over a 120-year absence had been prompted by the World Bank’s landmark census 5 years prior. Though these gains were primarily symbolic, they helped fortify black activism. Grassroots organizing and political mobilization has remained steadfast in spite of shifts in national politics, continuous economic instability, and increased antiblack racism at both the systemic and individual levels. As black activism increased incrementally over the decades, it inspired an upsurge of academic studies that in turn provided knowledge which helped propel activist efforts. The 21st century has been a particularly fruitful time in the Argentine academy as anthropological studies on Africans and Afro-descendants have proliferated. This time period has also marked a much-needed expansion of black organizing into more rural areas of the country, especially the northwest, which has historically had a large population of African descent. By holding more activities in the provinces and outside of the City of Buenos Aires, the decentralization of black activism has helped increase consciousness across the nation.

Hybrid Organization in the Church: Hybrid Church as a Strategy for Public Engagement

2021 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 554-574
Author(s):  
Richard Wilson
Keyword(s):  
Public Space ◽  
Public Engagement ◽  
Public Discourse ◽  
Public Spaces ◽  
Business Practices ◽  
Hybrid Organization ◽  
Local Business ◽  
The Creation ◽  
The Church

Abstract Hybrid churches adopt some local business practices and identities in order to create a place and role in secular public space for a public engagement.1 They use hospitality and embassy to challenge the basis of public engagement, discourse, objectives and goals. Hybrid organization alongside hospitality and embassy enables the creation of alternative public spaces in which engagement and discourse may take place according to an alternative communicative base to conventional public discourse, intentionally to critique secular conventions of public presence and discourse.

The Social Mediation of Economic Discourse

2021 ◽  
pp. 42-74
Author(s):  
Keith Tribe
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Political Economy ◽  
Public Discourse ◽  
Popular Literature ◽  
Academic Journals ◽  
Economic Discourse ◽  
Social Mediation ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Creation

In the course of the nineteenth century, political economy shifted from a discourse printed in books and journals and directed primarily at ‘men of affairs’ to a stratified public discourse. Where argument had once appealed to ‘reason’, argument by authority now became more significant in the teaching and publications of academic economists. This chapter shows the media through which this transition was effected—clubs, societies, and associations, adult extension teaching, popular literature, the creation of examinations and professional qualifications, and, in some limited cases, certification for employment, plus the creation of specialised academic journals.

The Domestic Implementation of International Women’s Rights Norms

2020 ◽  
pp. 41-50
Author(s):  
Peace A. Medie
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
Public Administration ◽  
Women's Rights ◽  
Theoretical Framework ◽  
African Studies ◽  
Women’S Rights ◽  
Gender And Politics ◽  
Institutional Conditions ◽  
International Pressure ◽  
The Creation

The study’s theoretical framework is explicated in this chapter. The chapter draws on the international relations, gender and politics, public administration, and African studies literatures to develop a framework that explains implementation at the national and street levels. It shows that an interplay of external and domestic factors shape implementation but specifies that domestic actors and conditions become more essential at the institutionalization stage. While high international pressure is sufficient for the creation of specialized mechanisms, domestic pressure and conditions become more important at the institutionalization state. Thus, low domestic pressure and unfavorable political and institutional conditions hinder implementation, even when combined with high international pressure.

Baron, Dvora (1887-1956)

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sheila Jelen
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Literary Canon ◽  
Rare Exception ◽  
Modern Hebrew ◽  
Women And Girls ◽  
The Creation ◽  
The Town

Dvora Baron, a major writer of the Modern Hebrew Renaissance, or the Tehiyah, was one of the only woman writers to gain recognition in the Hebrew literary canon of the period. Born on December 4, 1887 to the town rabbi of Ouzda, on the outskirts of Minsk, Baron was educated by her father and her elder brother in ways that were highly unusual for girls of her geographical, historical, and religious milieu at the turn of the twentieth century. Women and girls, not systematically educated in Hebrew texts, were largely unable to bring their Hebrew textual skills to bear in the creation of a modern Hebrew literary idiom. Baron was a rare exception and much of the scholarship on Baron’s literary corpus focuses on her unusual achievement as a woman in the Modern Hebrew literary arena.

The Controversy over Religious Arbitration Tribunals in Ontario: Unspoken Identity-Based Justifications?

2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-43
Author(s):  
Paul May
Keyword(s):  
Public Discourse ◽  
Canadian Identity ◽  
Social Actors ◽  
The Public ◽  
Faith Based ◽  
Identity Based ◽  
The Creation

AbstractThis article deals with the 2002–2005 controversy over faith-based arbitration tribunals in Ontario. It seeks to contribute to the existing literature on the question by looking at new empirical sources. The analysis focuses specifically on the public discourse of social actors who opposed the creation of arbitration tribunals for Christians, Jews and Muslims. The majority of those who opposed arbitration tribunals did not formulate their position in terms of an opposition between religion and feminist values. Rather, they focused their arguments on the danger of Islam, which they perceived as an oppressive and alien religion. The controversy over religious arbitration becomes a way to claim a Western, secular and Judeo-Christian Canadian identity. From this perspective, the Ontarian controversy can be likened to European debates on Islam that have emerged over the last decade (e.g. caricatures of Muhammad in Denmark, minarets in Switzerland and the burqa ban in Belgium).

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