scholarly journals Parliamentary Reform in Canada: The Significance of Senate Reform

2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 15-22
Author(s):  
Navneet Gidda
Keyword(s):  
Negative Impact ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
The State ◽  
Parliamentary System ◽  
The People ◽  
Parliamentary Reform ◽  
The Status ◽  
Over Time ◽  
Constitutional Revision

In this paper, I will argue that the Canadian Parliamentary system has become significantly less democratic over time and therefore requires reform. Specifically, I will focus on the Senate and the ways in which the institution has had a negative impact on the state of Canadian democracy. Through an analysis of how Senators are selected, the make up of the Senate, and the institution’s role in Canadian governance, I come to the conclusion that Canadians must demand reform if they are to maintain a strong, healthy democracy that serves their interests. Mainly, I support a Triple E Senatorial system since it gets at the root of the problem by decentralizing federal power and giving it to the provinces and Canadian people. I also include a brief discussion of Justin Trudeau’s plan for the Senate which proposes more immediate reform and does not require constitutional revision. Rather than demanding abolition or tolerating the status quo, taking these steps towards reform will ensure that Canadian interests are the government’s top priority. Through reform, Canadians would have more effective “sober second thought” and a democracy that works for the people, not the party in power.

La fusion des communes bruxelloises

Res Publica ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 24 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 731-741
Author(s):  
Maurice-Pierre Herremans
Keyword(s):  
Second World War ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
The State ◽  
World War ◽  
Financial Difficulties ◽  
The People ◽  
The Status ◽  
Administrative Unit ◽  
French Speaking ◽  
Second World

The idea of amalgamation for the Brussels municipalities is already an old one. In addition to the numerous parliamentary attempts to return to the situation of before 1795, when eight Brussels municipalities formed an administrative unit, there were also the Holvoet Report of 1936 and the establishment of the State Commissariat for the Large Agglomerations during the Second World War. In 1942, «Gross Brüssel» was created, but it was dissolved after the liberation. Except for the proposals of the Union of Cities, things remained rather quiet until the first amalgamation operation of 1971. Brussels was not involved in these amalgamation operations primarily because of the complexity of the Brussels problem over which the Flemish and the French speaking groups could not come to an agreement. The recent proposals can be placed into three categories : a complete amalgamation of the 19 municipalities into one entity, a partial amalgamation of 3 to 10 entities, the status quo. Since the amalgamation means an increase in the municipal expenses because of equalisation of the services in the sub-municipalities at a higher level, integral amalgamation of the present 19 municipalities offers no solution for the financial difficulties besetting these municipalities. In addition,this integral amalgamation solution generales negative reactions from the people of Brussel, who see in it a demand of the Flemish Movement.

A Confucian Constitutional Order

2012 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jiang Qing
Keyword(s):  
Liberal Democracy ◽  
Political Legitimacy ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
The State ◽  
Unique Form ◽  
Constitutional Order ◽  
The People ◽  
Form Of Government ◽  
The Status ◽  
Political Ideal

As China continues to transform itself, many assume that the nation will eventually move beyond communism and adopt a Western-style democracy. But could China develop a unique form of government based on its own distinct traditions? This book says yes. It sets out a vision for a Confucian constitutional order that offers a compelling alternative to both the status quo in China and to a Western-style liberal democracy. It is the most detailed and systematic work on Confucian constitutionalism to date. The book argues against the democratic view that the consent of the people is the main source of political legitimacy. Instead, it presents a comprehensive way to achieve humane authority based on three sources of political legitimacy, and it derives and defends a proposal for a tricameral legislature that would best represent the Confucian political ideal. The book also puts forward proposals for an institution that would curb the power of parliamentarians and for a symbolic monarch who would embody the historical and transgenerational identity of the state. In the latter section of the book, four leading liberal and socialist Chinese critics critically evaluate the book's theories and the author gives detailed responses to their views. The book provides a new standard for evaluating political progress in China and enriches the dialogue of possibilities available to this rapidly evolving nation.

scholarly journals MEMAHAMI PROBLEMATIKA HAK PENGELOLAAN TANAH KOTA BATAM Dalam Rangka Penetapan Batam sebagai Kawasan Ekonomi Khusus

Yurispruden ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 51
Author(s):  
Nur Hadiyati
Keyword(s):  
Local Government ◽  
Land Management ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
The State ◽  
State Control ◽  
The Earth ◽  
The People ◽  
The Status ◽  
Land Condition ◽  
The Right

AbstractLand is part of the surface of the earth that plays an important role in the life of the people whose control is in the state, one of the forms of state control over land is the management rights. Batam Island is a sucessful example of management rights on land. However, with the presence of the local governemnt, many new issues about the management of law are feared to emerge. The Management Rights on Batam’s land is obtained directly by the President who delegated to the Board of Mastery, so that the status of Batam land is divided into three namely: (1) the land above the management right by  Enterprise (in Indonesian we called it Badan Pengusahaan); (2) land above the management of Batam City Local Government; (3) land managed by the state. Dualism of authority to manage Batam’s Land caused problems as follows: Establishment of Kampung Tua, Status quo on land in Rempang Galang area, mismatch of land condition in Batam City with letter of decision by Ministry of Forestry, and the complexity of permit process, which hampered the development of Batam City. So by understanding how the implementation of Management Rights on Land will be enlightment to find a solution to the problem of dualism of land management authority and formulate the right policy in the framework of determining Batam as a Special Economic Zone.Keywords : Batam, Management Rights, Agrarian, Special Economic Zone,  Abstrak            Tanah merupakan bagian permukaan bumi yang memegang peranan penting dalam kehidupan masyarakat yang penguasaannya diatur oleh negara, salah satu wujud penguasaan negara atas tanah adalah Hak Pengelolaan. Pulau Batam adalah salah satu contoh HPL “sukses”. Namun, dengan hadirnya pemerintah kotamadya Batam, dikhawtirkan banyak persoalan baru di bidang pertanahan yang muncul. Hak Pengelolaan Batam diperoleh langsung oleh Presiden yang dilimpahkan kepada Badan Penguasaan, sehingga status tanah Batam terbagi atas tiga yaitu : (1) tanah diatas Hak Pengelolaan Badan Pengusahaan; (2) tanah diatas pengelolaan Pemerintah Daerah Kota Batam; (3) tanah pengelolaan negara. Dualisme kewenangan pengelolaan lahan terjadi di Kota Batam dan menimbulkan permasalahan sebagai berikut : penetapan Kampung Tua, Status quo pada tanah dikawasan Rempang Galang, ketidakcocokan kondisi pertanahan di Kota batam dengan SK KEMENHUT, serta kerumitan proses perizinan, yangmana menghambat perkembangan Kota Batam. Maka dengan memahami bagaimana penyelenggaran Hak Pengelolaan dapat menemukan penyelesaian permasalahan dualisme kewenangan pengelolaan lahan dan merumuskan kebijakan yang tepat dalam rangka penetapan Batam sebagai Kawasan Ekonomi Khusus.Kata Kunci : Batam, Hak Pengelolaan, Tanah, Agraria, Kawasan Ekonomi Khusus.

Hukum Denda dalam Keuangan Publik Islam di Indonesia

2018 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 313-328
Author(s):  
Fathul Aminudin Aziz
Keyword(s):  
Islamic Law ◽  
The State ◽  
Mutual Benefit ◽  
State Budget ◽  
The People ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Government

Fines are sanctions or punishments that are applied in the form of the obligation to pay a sum of money imposed on the denial of a number of agreements previously agreed upon. There is debate over the status of fines in Islamic law. Some argue that fines may not be used, and some argue that they may be used. In the context of fines for delays in payment of taxes, in fiqh law it can be analogous to ta'zir bi al-tamlīk (punishment for ownership). This can be justified if the tax obligations have met the requirements. Whereas according to Islamic teachings, fines can be categorized as acts in order to obey government orders as taught in the hadith, and in order to contribute to the realization of mutual benefit in the life of the state. As for the amount of the fine, the government cannot arbitrarily determine fines that are too large to burden the people. Penalties are applied as a message of reprimand and as a means to cover the lack of the state budget.

In or Out?

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Catherine E. De Vries
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Data Sources ◽  
Fine Grained ◽  
Alternative State ◽  
Empirical Measurement ◽  
The Status ◽  
People’S Attitudes ◽  
Over Time ◽  
The Eu

This chapter introduces a benchmark theory of public opinion towards European integration. Rather than relying on generic labels like support or scepticism, the chapter suggests that public opinion towards the EU is both multidimensional and multilevel in nature. People’s attitudes towards Europe are essentially based on a comparison between the benefits of the status quo of membership and those associated with an alternative state, namely one’s country being outside the EU. This comparison is coined the ‘EU differential’. When comparing these benefits, people rely on both their evaluations of the outcomes (policy evaluations) and the system that produces them (regime evaluations). This chapter presents a fine-grained conceptualization of what it means to be an EU supporter or Eurosceptic; it also designs a careful empirical measurement strategy to capture variation, both cross-nationally and over time. The chapter cross-validates these measures against a variety of existing and newly developed data sources.

scholarly journals The natural duty of justice in non-ideal circumstances: On the moral demands of institution building and reform

2017 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-66 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laura Valentini
Keyword(s):  
Distributive Justice ◽  
Political Theory ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
The State ◽  
Response Strategy ◽  
Macro Level ◽  
Institution Building ◽  
Institutional Agents ◽  
High Stakes ◽  
The Status

Principles of distributive justice bind macro-level institutional agents, like the state. But what does justice require in non-ideal circumstances, where institutional agents are unjust or do not exist in the first place? Many answer by invoking Rawls's natural duty ‘to further just arrangements not yet established’, treating it as a ‘normative bridge’ between institutional demands of distributive justice and individual responsibilities in non-ideal circumstances. I argue that this response strategy is unsuccessful. I show that the more unjust the status quo is due to non-compliance, the less demanding the natural duty of justice becomes. I conclude that, in non-ideal circumstances, the bulk of the normative work is done by another natural duty: that of beneficence. This conclusion has significant implications for how we conceptualize our political responsibilities in non-ideal circumstances, and cautions us against the tendency – common in contemporary political theory – to answer all high-stakes normative questions under the rubric of justice.

1848 and Parliamentary Reform

1988 ◽  
Vol 31 (4) ◽  
pp. 831-851 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roland Quinault
Keyword(s):  
Solid Support ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Middle Classes ◽  
State Security ◽  
Property Owners ◽  
Parliamentary Reform ◽  
The Status ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Government ◽  
History Books

1848 has gone down in history – or rather in history books – as the year when England was different. In that year a wave of revolution on the Continent overthrew constitutions, premiers and even a dynasty but in England, by contrast, the middle classes rallied round the government and helped it preserve the status quo. This interpretation of 1848 has long been the established orthodoxy amongst historians. Asa Briggs took this view thirty years ago and it has lately been endorsed by F. B. Smith and Henry Weisser. Most recently, John Saville, in his book on 1848, has concluded that events in England ‘demonstrated beyond question and doubt, the complete and solid support of the middling strata to the defence of existing institutions’. He claims that ‘the outstanding feature of 1848 was the mass response to the call for special constables to assist the professional forces of state security’ which reflected a closing of ranks among all property owners. Although some historians, notably David Goodway, have recently stressed the vitality of Chartism in 1848 they have not challenged the traditional view that the movement failed to win concessions from the establishment and soon declined. Thus 1848 in England is generally regarded as a terminal date: the last chapter in the history of Chartism as a major movement. Thereafter Britain experienced a period of conservatism – described by one historian as ‘the mid-Victorian calm’–which lasted until the death of Palmerston in 1865.

scholarly journals Whom is political science for?

2001 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 4-8
Author(s):  
Andrea Theocharis ◽  
Marcus Graetsch
Keyword(s):  
Everyday Life ◽  
Political Science ◽  
State Of The Art ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
The State ◽  
Research And Teaching ◽  
The Everyday ◽  
The Status ◽  
Internet Discussion

We all study political science, but - what do we actually do here anyway? This essay expresses our thoughts about our subject. The everyday life in University doesn’t seem to give enough space for questioning what is this all about. Maybe a debate on that issue does not exist extensively because of fears of the loss of entitlement. The aim of this essay is to support the heightening of student’s awareness about the status quo of research and teaching in political science as we can judge it from our modest experiences. Trying to get to the basis of such a problem is not easy. The things here written are surely not the state of the art, but they could shine a better light on the problem what had been called the 'politics of political science' in an earlier Internet discussion on the IAPSS website. This paper should be understood as a start for a discussion, where we all can express our surely different experiences and ideas.

The Question of Conscience in Why am I Doing This?

2021 ◽  
pp. 111-124
Author(s):  
ADEYEMI AMOS ADEGBOYEGA
Keyword(s):  
Qualitative Analysis ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
The State ◽  
Modus Operandi ◽  
The Status ◽  
Democratic System ◽  
State Of Affairs

Greatly concerned and obsessed with the state of affairs in the country, literary artists more often than not, call to conscience the sensibilities of their audience, politicians inclusive. Against the prebendal nature of politics which is characterized by different anarchist tendencies in Nigeria, literary artists find justification for their craft as they seek ultimately to re-organize the society and confront its perils. This is the crux of this study. My concern is to rationalize Abubakar Gimba’s Why am I Doing This? banking on the interrogative undertone of the title, a variation from the norm. This interrogative undertone as will be explicated herein questions the rationalities – of the author and the actors in his observations as documented. Four essays from the collection were purposively sampled to demonstrate this. Deploying the literary tool of postcolonialism, this study a critical qualitative analysis submits that Abubakar Gimba laments the anathema and apathy that pervades the Nigerian society despite the professed democratic system of governance. He unveils the hidden and sad truths of modern Nigeria in its raw and naked form. These truths contradict her democracy. It is against this that Gimba hopes for a change in the status-quo and modus operandi of statecraft.

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