scholarly journals Non-Violent Resistance in Iranian Kurdistan After 1979

2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 98
Author(s):  
Allan Hassaniyan
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
Significant Part ◽  
Iranian Revolution ◽  
City Councils ◽  
Important Challenge ◽  
The Creation ◽  
New Phase ◽  
The Revolution

This paper sheds light on the significance of the 1979 Iranian Revolution for the Iranian Kurdish movement, arguing that the Revolution provided Iranian Kurds with multifaceted opportunities as well as challenges. In the ensuing years, the Kurdish movement entered into a new phase of its rise. With the emergence of numerous civil society organizations and political parties, the Kurdish movement experienced a hitherto unprecedented growth and diversification of actors and organisations. Kurdish civil society flourished drastically, and a significant part of the Kurdish movement’s challenge to the newly-established government in Tehran was channelled through collective non-violent resistance. The creation of city councils (şoray şar) across Kurdistan constituted the first important challenge to the authority of the Provisional Revolutionary Government, whilst the mobilisation of collective non-violent resistance introduced new forms of resistance to the post-Revolutionary authoritarian state’s policies in Kurdistan.

scholarly journals Conservative Clergy and Official Church Periodicals in 1905

2020 ◽  
pp. 199-209
Author(s):  
Павел Евгеньевич Липовецкий
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Editorial Policy ◽  
Significant Part ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
Religious Values ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Creation ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Revolution

Статья посвящена взаимодействию консервативно настроенных клириков и церковной периодической печати. Разразившаяся в 1905 г. революция поставила перед клириками Русской Церкви необходимость определиться в своих политических симпатиях. Большая часть епископата и значительная часть рядовых священнослужителей поддержали черносотенные партии. Причина таких симпатий в программных установках правых, ориентировавшихся на традиционные политические и религиозные ценности в противовес представителям либеральных и левых партий. Политическая деятельность архиереев могла выражаться в различных действиях: от создания печатных и устных призывов к сохранению порядка до организации своих политических партий. Идеологические предпочтения и активность иерархов среди прочего можно проследить на примере редакционной политики епархиальных ведомостей. Используя свою власть в пределах епархии, консервативно настроенные архиереи направляли в соответствующее русло редакционную политику местных периодических печатных органов. На страницах журнала в этом случае размещались материалы патриотического, антиреволюционного содержания. Причём даже если епархиальные ведомости были не в состоянии привлечь авторов для создания оригинальных материалов, редактор подбирал подходящие из других изданий и перепечатывал их. The article is about the interaction of conservative-minded clergy and church periodicals. The revolution that broke out in 1905 presented the clergy of the Russian Church with the need to define their political sympathies. Most of the episcopate and a significant part of the rank-and-file clergy supported the Black Hundred parties. The reason for such sympathies is in the programmatic attitudes of the right, oriented towards traditional political and religious values as opposed to representatives of the liberal and left parties. The political activity of bishops could be expressed in various actions: from the creation of printed and oral appeals to maintain order to the organization of their own political parties. The ideological preferences and activity of a hierarch, among other things, can be traced to the example of the editorial policy of the Diocesan Gazette. Using their power within the diocese, the conservative-minded bishops directed the editorial policy of local periodicals in the appropriate direction. In this case, the pages of the magazine contained materials of patriotic, anti-revolutionary content. Moreover, even if the Diocesan Gazette was unable to attract authors to create original materials, the editor selected suitable ones from other publications and reprinted them.

scholarly journals Towards Democratic Consolidation? Ukraine After the Revolution of Dignity

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 183-191
Author(s):  
Aram Terzyan
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Institutional Development ◽  
Democratic Consolidation ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
Institutional Issues ◽  
Challenges And Opportunities ◽  
Consolidated Democracy ◽  
Hybrid Regime ◽  
The Revolution

AbstractThis paper explores the challenges and opportunities of post-Maidan Ukraine’s democratic consolidation, with a focus on its attitudinal, behavioral and institutional dimensions.The study suggests that Ukraine’s transition from a hybrid regime to a consolidated democracy involves addressing a series of societal and institutional issues, ranging from transformation of paternalistic culture to institutional development of political parties and civil society organizations (CSO). Institutionalization is essential for shifting from charismatic appeal or rule to well-established institutions that translate leader’s vision into policies sustained by appropriate structures, rules, and procedures. The study enquires into the intricacies of democratic consolidation in post-Soviet countries, amid constraining conditions stemming from deep-rooted authoritarian legacies.

Can Civil Society Organizations Solve the Crisis of Partisan Representation in Latin America?

2008 ◽  
Vol 50 (02) ◽  
pp. 1-32 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kathryn Hochstetler ◽  
Elisabeth Jay Friedman
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Civil Society ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Party Systems ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
Short Term ◽  
Political Outcomes ◽  
Recent Representation

AbstractThis article takes up the question of whether civil society organizations (CSOs) can and do act as mechanisms of representation in times of party crisis. It looks at recent representation practices in Argentina, Bolivia, and Brazil, three countries where political parties have experienced sharp crises after several decades of mixed reviews for their party systems. At such moments, any replacement of parties by CSOs should be especially apparent. This study concludes that the degree of crisis determines the extent that CSOs' representative functions replace partisan representation, at least in the short term. Where systems show signs of re-equilibration, CSOs offer alternative mechanisms through which citizens can influence political outcomes without seeking to replace parties. Where crisis is profound, CSOs claim some of the basic party functions but do not necessarily solve the problems of partisan representation.

scholarly journals Self-maintenance vs. goal attainment: drivers of mortality anxiety in organized civil society

2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 271-288 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicole Bolleyer ◽  
Patricia Correa
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Interest Groups ◽  
Goal Attainment ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
Organizational Infrastructure ◽  
Voluntary Membership ◽  
Active Interest ◽  
Service Oriented ◽  
The Uk

AbstractWhen do membership-based civil society organizations such as interest groups, political parties or service-oriented organizations consider their existence under threat? Distinguishing pressures of organizational self-maintenance from functional pressures of goal attainment, which all voluntary membership organizations – irrespective of their political or societal functions - need to reconcile, we propose a framework theorizing distinct categories of drivers of mortality anxiety in organized civil society. To test our hypotheses, we apply ordered logistic regression analysis to new data covering regionally and nationally active interest groups, service-oriented organizations and parties in Germany, Norway, Switzerland and the UK. We find that factors enhancing intraorganizational resilience thereby facilitating self-maintenance as well as exposure to different representation challenges complicating goal attainment have significant effects on mortality anxiety experienced by interest groups, political parties and service-oriented organizations alike – the former reducing, the latter enhancing it. Stressing the importance of a stable, durable organizational infrastructure with loyal and involved members to operate in increasingly volatile and diverse environments, our findings highlight the on-going importance of ‘traditional’ (sometimes considered ‘outdated’) organization-building.

Political Opposition in Civil Society: An Analysis of the Interactions of Secular and Religious Associations in Algeria and Jordan

2008 ◽  
Vol 43 (4) ◽  
pp. 561-578 ◽  
Author(s):  
Francesco Cavatorta ◽  
Azzam Elananza
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Empirical Evidence ◽  
Authoritarian Regimes ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
Coalition Building ◽  
Political Opposition ◽  
Authoritarian Rule ◽  
Religious Associations

AbstractThe lack of effective political parties is one of the dominant characteristics of modern Arab polities. The role of opposition to the authoritarian regimes is therefore left to a number of civil society organizations. This study examines the interactions among such groups in the context of the traditional transition paradigm and it analyses specifically how religious and secular organizations operate and interact. The empirical evidence shows that such groups, far from attempting any serious coalition-building to make common demands for democracy on the regime, have a competitive relationship because of their ideological differences and conflicting policy preferences. This strengthens authoritarian rule even in the absence of popular legitimacy. The article focuses its attention on Algeria and Jordan.

Private protected areas: three key challenges

2013 ◽  
Vol 41 (3) ◽  
pp. 239-240 ◽  
Author(s):  
RICHARD J. LADLE ◽  
CHIARA BRAGAGNOLO ◽  
GABRIELA M. GAMA ◽  
ANA C.M. MALHADO ◽  
MEREDITH ROOT-BERNSTEIN ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Protected Areas ◽  
Future Development ◽  
Protected Area ◽  
Management Strategies ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
Private Protected Areas ◽  
The Future ◽  
The Creation

SUMMARYPrivate protected areas (PPAs) are a board category that includes reserves established and managed by non-government entities, including civil society organizations, businesses and private individuals. It was recently suggested that the creation of a system of PPAs in Brazil may act as a useful model for extending protected area systems internationally. While it is clear that RPPNs have an important role to play in the future development of Brazil's protected area system, there are several significant challenges that need to be overcome if they are fulfil their potential: (1) ensuring that RPPNs contribute to coverage and representation; (2) ensuring adequate governance; and (3) increasing the attractiveness of the RPPN model. While it is still too early to determine whether RPPNs constitute a robust PPA model that could (or should) be exported to other countries, they are creating new opportunities for innovation and novel management strategies that might eventually lead to a vibrant and distinctly Brazilian protected area movement.

scholarly journals IS THERE CIVIL SOCIETY IN BANGLADESH?

2018 ◽  
pp. 36-38
Author(s):  
M. S. Islam
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Social Development ◽  
The State ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
Historical Method ◽  
The Government ◽  
And Control ◽  
Local Levels

Сivil society is a group of people excluded from the government and the army and providing a counterbalance and control of the state at the national and local levels in the country. In Bangladesh, since independence in 1971, civil society organizations have been successfully involved in social development, but they have been criticized not to be able promote democracy in Bangladesh because of their support for political parties. Therefore, it impedes strong opposition to corruption and non-democratic activities in the country. In this article, using the historical method, the author analyzes the features and role of civil society in Bangladesh.

scholarly journals Global Authenticity, Local Authority: Epistemic Power, Discursive Geographies, and the Creation of Civil Society Knowledge Networks

2021 ◽  
pp. 209-232
Author(s):  
E. Fouksman
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Case Studies ◽  
Local Authority ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
Knowledge Networks ◽  
Epistemic Communities ◽  
Discursive Practices ◽  
Ethnographic Fieldwork ◽  
The Usa ◽  
The Creation

AbstractHow do networks of civil society organizations spread and contest ideas around the globe? This chapter focuses the ways practitioners within development-focused civil society organizations use spatial discursive practices to label, organize, defend, and undermine the spread and application of ideas. In particular, I look at the way members of civil society organizations defend and promote ideas as authentic and/or authoritative, navigating the need to have their knowledge and practices accepted both by beneficiaries and elite international epistemic communities. I draw on ethnographic fieldwork with two multi-sited case studies of civil society organizations, ranging from global foundations in the USA and Switzerland to their national and regional NGO partners in Kenya and Kyrgyzstan. Actors in both of these networks defend a varied array of ideas that underpin their ecological interventions through invocations of local particularity and global expertise. This chapter thus addresses the ways epistemic communities are formed and knowledge is produced and legitimized via discursive geographies and identities.

scholarly journals An Overview of the Conflict in Syria

2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 47-54
Author(s):  
Hani Albasoos
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Global System ◽  
The Us ◽  
Security Control ◽  
Popular Movement ◽  
International Systems ◽  
The Revolution

In Syria, there is not expected to break out of the revolution of this magnitude. Most people of Syria before others did not expect that the revolution breaks out originally because the regime governs Syria in an oppressive security manner. The regime controls the situation that making it difficult of any popular movement. Political life is not existent in the country. There are no civil society organizations and trade unions are not real and not real parties or political groupings, making it difficult with the outbreak of the revolution in the country in such a dictatorship, security control, which controls everything in people's lives. So Syria was apparently outside the US and global thinking. It has been stated by some officials in America and has had their expectations outbreak of the revolution in Syria minimal because the global system was not ready to abandon the Assad regime because the regime is better for them. However, the revolution in Syria broke out, caught and swept across the country, confusing international systems that were not planning to substitute for the Syrian regime. The Syrian regime is no doubt that one of the major hubs in the region.

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