scholarly journals Gagauz onomastics: Mapping cultural hallmarks through names, surnames and Orthodoxy

2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 53
Author(s):  
Mitran Ilie Iulian
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Orthodox Church ◽  
Scientific Papers ◽  
Strong Commitment ◽  
The Way

Gagauzian onomastics presents us an intrequit structure which is characterized by various lingusitic layers that overlap, or at times, even blend in with each other. Unlike other Turcik groups, the Gagauzians pride themselves with their strong commitment to the Orthodox Church. Lexical layering is a defining characteristic of Gagauzian onomastics.As a result, the names and surnames that are found among these people are were,  to a certain exctent, transfered from the those groups that they heavly interacted with until the present. The layered layout of Gagauzian onomastics refects the different stage of the coming into being of this peoples, taking this in to consideration, it is important to note that certain surnames are of older date than others, this being the case of those that are of Greek origin. Nowadays, in Moldova, the state with the largest Gagauzian communities, first names are of Russian origin, and are directliany linked to strong russofilia that is present within Gagauz communities beginning with the second falf of the last century.The data that was used for this paper was collected from various soruces – scientific papers, journals, annals etc. Within this paper we are attempting to highlight the conservative character of Gagauzian name-giving practices and the way in which this corelates to the virtues that are central to these peoples.

scholarly journals Election of Bishop Bazyli (Doroszkiewicz) as the Metropolitan of the Polish Autocephalous Orthodox Church as part of the religious policy of the Polish state

2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 279-292
Author(s):  
Stefan Dudra
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Orthodox Church ◽  
Suitable Candidate ◽  
Religious Policy ◽  
Full Control ◽  
The Social ◽  
Selection Of ◽  
The Way

Abstract The election of superiors in the Polish Autocephalous Orthodox Church was one of the key elements in the religious policy of the communist authorities. The new superiors were expected to be full of loyalty and closely cooperate and support the social and political changes taking place. The rulers wanted the bishops and the Orthodox clergy to take full control. The way to do this was to influence the selection of a suitable candidate for the position of a metropolitan. The choice of a superior appointed by the authorities was to fully guarantee the realization of tasks important from the point of view of the multilateral activity of the state.

scholarly journals THE REVIVAL OF UKRAINIAN ORTHODOXY: OBSTACLES AND PERSPECTIVES

2019 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 9-12
Author(s):  
Kostiantyn Verheles
Keyword(s):  
State Building ◽  
The State ◽  
Global Changes ◽  
Russian Orthodox ◽  
Orthodox Church ◽  
Human Beings ◽  
Cultural Changes ◽  
Russian Orthodox Church ◽  
Theoretical Understanding ◽  
The Way

The history of the emergence of the CPU takes a rather insignificant amount of time in the development of an independent Ukrainian state in comparison, for example, with the Russian Orthodox Church. The article deals with the state of modern Orthodoxy in the process of its formation and the problems of relations with the Russian Orthodox Church in Ukraine. Different variants of searches, which were carried out in the course of creation of PPC and receipt of Tomos (autocephaly), are explored. The development of relations between the former UOC-KP and the UOC-MP, as well as mechanisms for resolving inter-church and inter-confessional conflicts on the way to achieving inter-church accord, is analyzed. It has been established that interconfessional conflict is a significant factor in the development and formation of state-building in our country. The solution of the current conflict between the PPC and the Russian Orthodox Church in Ukraine is possible only on the basis of mutual tolerance of the aforementioned churches. The article examines the state of modern Orthodoxy during its formation and the problems of relations with the Russian Orthodox Church in Ukraine. Various variants of searches carried out in the course of creation of PPC and receipt of it by Tomos (autocephaly) are studied. The period of development of relations between the former UOC-KP and the UOC-MP, the ways of resolving inter-church and inter-confessional conflict by reaching inter-church agreement is analyzed. The historic path of the emergence of the CEC took a fairly small period in the period of the independent Ukrainian state in comparison, for example, with the Russian Orthodox Church. It has been established that inter-confessional conflict is an important factor in the development and establishment of state-building in our country. The solution of the current conflict relations between the PPC and the Russian Orthodox Church in Ukraine is possible only under the condition of joint tolerization of the two above mentioned churches. In today's globalization, religion appears to be one of the main dominant human beings. Taking into account such global changes we can fix the formation of the network concept of culture (B. Wellman, F. Crotiff, E. Marc, L.-K. Frime, R. Hassan). Most of the works of representatives of Ukrainian religious studies devoted, unfortunately, to the theoretical understanding of the concept of "religion", the peculiarities of its functioning, and the practical use of many concepts to the social structure of society. We also need to focus our attention on socio-cultural changes taking place in Ukrainian society; on the interconnection of economic, political and ideological spheres. At the same time, each sphere should be considered as independent, but at the same time as one constantly interacting with others. It is this interaction that manifests both the integrity of man and the main characteristics of religion. It should be noted that today we observe the maximum tension in the socio-political and, in particular, the religious-church life of Ukraine through the action of the inter-Orthodox conflict; therefore, the main and important is the way of its settlement, especially now when the CEC got the long-awaited Tomos from Patriarch Bartholomew of Constantinople.

“I'd make thee eat the mischief thou hast vented”: Discourse of Law in Ben Jonson's Catiline His Conspiracy

2017 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-45
Author(s):  
Akihiko Shimizu
Keyword(s):  
Early Modern ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
Legal Discourse ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
State Of Emergency ◽  
Gunpowder Plot ◽  
Effective Use ◽  
Legal Procedures ◽  
The Way

This essay explores the discourse of law that constitutes the controversial apprehension of Cicero's issuing of the ultimate decree of the Senate (senatus consultum ultimum) in Catiline. The play juxtaposes the struggle of Cicero, whose moral character and legitimacy are at stake in regards to the extra-legal uses of espionage, with the supposedly mischievous Catilinarians who appear to observe legal procedures more carefully throughout their plot. To mitigate this ambivalence, the play defends Cicero's actions by depicting the way in which Cicero establishes the rhetoric of public counsel to convince the citizens of his legitimacy in his unprecedented dealing with Catiline. To understand the contemporaneousness of Catiline, I will explore the way the play integrates the early modern discourses of counsel and the legal maxim of ‘better to suffer an inconvenience than mischief,’ suggesting Jonson's subtle sensibility towards King James's legal reformation which aimed to establish and deploy monarchical authority in the state of emergency (such as the Gunpowder Plot of 1605). The play's climactic trial scene highlights the display of the collected evidence, such as hand-written letters and the testimonies obtained through Cicero's spies, the Allbroges, as proof of Catiline's mischievous character. I argue that the tactical negotiating skills of the virtuous and vicious characters rely heavily on the effective use of rhetoric exemplified by both the political discourse of classical Rome and the legal discourse of Tudor and Jacobean England.

The Developmental Trading State

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alex J. Bellamy
Keyword(s):  
Economic Growth ◽  
East Asia ◽  
National Economy ◽  
East Asian ◽  
The State ◽  
State Model ◽  
Principal Function ◽  
Mass Violence ◽  
The Way

This chapter demonstrates that the downwards pressure that state consolidation placed on mass violence was amplified by the type of state that emerged. Across East Asia, governments came to define themselves as “developmental” or “trading” states whose principal purpose was to grow the national economy and thereby improve the economic wellbeing of their citizens. Governments with different ideologies came to embrace economic growth and growing the prosperity of their populations as the principal function of the state and its core source of legitimacy. Despite some significant glitches along the way the adoption of the developmental trading state model has proven successful. Not only have East Asian governments succeeded in lifting hundreds of millions of people out of poverty, the practices and policy orientations dictated by this model helped shift governments and societies away from belligerent practices towards postures that prioritized peace and stability. This reinforced the trend towards greater peacefulness.

The Trafficking Panic in Late Imperial Austria

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nancy M. Wingfield
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Turn Of The Century ◽  
Late Imperial ◽  
Anti Semitism ◽  
Mass Migration ◽  
Women And Girls ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Reform Organizations ◽  
The Way

This chapter explores a variety of issues central to the turn-of-the-century Austrian panic over trafficking. They include anti-Semitism, Jews as protagonists and victims, and mass migration in an urbanizing world, as well as why particular Austrian cities were associated with the trade in women. The chapter analyzes the government’s domestic and international efforts to combat trafficking, as well as the role bourgeois reform organizations played. It explores the relationship between the trafficker and the trafficked, arguing that these women and girls were not simply victims, but sometimes willing participants, or something in between, in order to sketch a more nuanced picture of turn-of-the-century “white slaving.” The term “trafficker” is employed to reflect the way sources (the state, journalists, reform groups) viewed the issue, not because it can be proved that the problem was as widespread as they claimed.

Ideological Attempts to Build a Sustainable Program of Ecodomical Decommunistization in Post-1989 Romania by Promoting the Notion of National Identity

2018 ◽  
Vol 130 (4) ◽  
pp. 141-156
Author(s):  
Corneliu C. Simuț
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Political System ◽  
Ethnic Origin ◽  
Eastern Orthodox ◽  
Orthodox Church ◽  
Constructive Process ◽  
Religious Convictions ◽  
The Way ◽  
Eastern Orthodox Church

In December 1989, Communism died in Romania—if not as mentality, it surely met its demise as a political system which had dominated almost every aspect of life in the country for over four decades. Thus, at least in theory, an ideological vacuum was created and concrete steps towards filling it with different values and convictions were supposed to be taken as early as possible. The Romanian Eastern Orthodox Church seized the opportunity and initiated a series of measures which eventually created a distinct perception about what culture, ethnicity, and religion were supposed to mean for whoever identified himself as Romanian. This paper investigates these ideological attempts to decontaminate Romania of its former Communist mentalities by resorting to the concept of ecodomy seen as ‘constructive process’ and the way it can be applied to how the Romanian Eastern Orthodox Church dealt with culture, ethnicity, and religion. In the end, it will be demonstrated that while decommunistization was supposed to be constructive and positive, it proved to be so only for the Romanians whose national identity was defined by their adherence to the Romanian Eastern Orthodox Church and its perspective on culture, ethnicity, and religion. For all other Romanian citizens, however, decommunistization was a process of ‘negative ecodomy’ because their cultural ideas, ethnic origin, or religious convictions were perceived as non-Romanian and non-Orthodox. In attempting to reach decommunistization therefore, the Romanian majority still tends to be xenophobic and even anti-Muslim, as plainly demonstrated by the Bucharest mosque scandal which rocked the country in the summer of 2015.

Counting the Seven Weeks War: Dyads, Disputes and Balances of Power

2005 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 153-174 ◽  
Author(s):  
William Moul
Keyword(s):  
Quantitative Study ◽  
The State ◽  
War And Peace ◽  
State Relations ◽  
Inter State ◽  
The Way

Abstract. The usual quantitative study of inter-state war and peace tallies observations on hundreds, sometimes thousands, of dyads or pairs of states. These observations miss elementary features of inter-state relations that should be examined when testing Realist explanations of war and peace. The way in which three prominent studies (Bremer, 1992; Bueno de Mesquita, 1981; 1985) chose to count the Seven Weeks War dramatically reveals the theoretical difficulties when tallying dyads. Re-analyses of these studies demonstrate the sensitivity of the results to particulars of 1866 Germany and, more importantly, illustrate the merits of analyzing the dispute rather than the state dyad or the state-dyad year.Résumé. L'étude quantitative des périodes de guerre et de paix entre États comptabilise des observations relatives à des centaines, parfois des milliers de dyades ou paires d'États. Ces observations ne prennent pas en compte certaines caractéristiques élémentaires des relations entre États qui devraient pourtant être examinées lorsque l'on teste les théories réalistes expliquant guerre et paix. La manière dont trois études reconnues (Bremer, 1992; Bueno de Mesquita, 1981; 1985) ont choisi de comptabiliser la guerre des Sept Semaines révèle de manière éclatante les difficultés théoriques dans la comptabilisation des dyades d'états. De nouvelles analyses de ces études ont démontré la sensibilité des résultats aux caractéristiques de l'Allemagne de 1866, mais soulignent surtout les mérites de l'analyse des disputes par rapport à l'analyse des dyades d'États ou des dyades d'États annuelles.

scholarly journals Trauma and Sacrifice in Divided Communities: The Sacralisation of the Victims of Terrorism in Spain

Religions ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 104
Author(s):  
Eliana Alemán ◽  
José Pérez-Agote
Keyword(s):  
Human Life ◽  
Traumatic Events ◽  
The State ◽  
A Posteriori ◽  
Institutional Discourse ◽  
Divided Societies ◽  
The Us ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Public Demonstrations ◽  
The Way

This work aims to show that the sacrificial status of the victims of acts of terrorism, such as the 2004 Madrid train bombings (“11-M”) and ETA (Basque Homeland and Liberty) attacks in Spain, is determined by how it is interpreted by the communities affected and the manner in which it is ritually elaborated a posteriori by society and institutionalised by the state. We also explore the way in which the sacralisation of the victim is used in socially and politically divided societies to establish the limits of the pure and the impure in defining the “Us”, which is a subject of dispute. To demonstrate this, we first describe two traumatic events of particular social and political significance (the case of Miguel Ángel Blanco and the 2004 Madrid train bombings). Secondly, we analyse different manifestations of the institutional discourse regarding victims in Spain, examining their representation in legislation, in public demonstrations by associations of victims of terrorism and in commemorative “performances” staged in Spain. We conclude that in societies such as Spain’s, where there exists a polarisation of the definition of the “Us”, the success of cultural and institutional performances oriented towards reparation of the terrorist trauma is precarious. Consequently, the validity of the post-sacrificial narrative centring on the sacred value of human life is ephemeral and thus fails to displace sacrificial narratives in which particularist definitions of the sacred Us predominate.

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