Nacionalismo somali: Nação e propaganda política durante o regime militar

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mariana Rupprecht Zablonsky
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
The United States ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
Local Context ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
Military Government ◽  
African Continent ◽  
Horn Of Africa ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
Colonial Police

In 1969 Somalia, a country located in the Horn of Africa, suffered a military coup led by Siad Barre, a general who had integrated the colonial police of Somaliland and Italian Somalia. In this book we analyzed nine posters of governmental propaganda that comprise the period between 1974 -1975. The objective of this work is to discuss the construction of nationalism in the Barre Era, seeking similarities and discontinuities in relation to civil government. We use a vast historiography drawing to the maximum of local authors and theorists of the African continent. Through interdisciplinarity we aim to build a rich theoretical debate integrating anthropology, political science and history. The research used the theoretical model of historiographical analysis of Carlo Guinzburg, based on the investigation of clues in imagery sources. Elements of the local context, such as the process of decolonization of the Horn of Africa and conflicts with Ethiopia, have been emphasized, linking them to the global conjuncture of ideological conflict between the United States and the Soviet Union in the so-called Cold War. The impacts of colonialism are one of the central themes of the dissertation, so we try to demonstrate that events that occurred during colonization were fundamental to the complex puzzle that became the African continent during the 1960s and 1970s. Somalia does not escape this political panorama and the research tries to demonstrate that the posters analyzed were produced by the military government with the intention of disseminating a certain model of political regime.

The Influence of Political Culture upon Cross-Cultural Misperceptions and Foreign Policy: The United States and Germany

2003 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 1-23 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen Kalberg
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
The United States ◽  
Military Government ◽  
Technology Products ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Middle Range ◽  
Trade Sanctions ◽  
The Military

The disagreement between Germany and the United States over thewar in Iraq was massive. During the winter of 2002, many observersspoke of a long-term rift between these longstanding allies and atotal loss of credibility on both sides. No one can doubt, regardlessof recent healing overtures,1 that the German-American partnershiphas been altered and significantly weakened. It has suffered a blowfar more damaging than those that accompanied past conflicts over,for example, Ostpolitik, the neutron bomb, the Soviet gas pipeline,the flow of high technology products to the Soviet Union, the impositionof trade sanctions in 1980 against the military government inPoland, the stationing in the late 1970s of middle-range missiles onGerman soil, and the modernization of short-range missiles in 1989.

scholarly journals Conflits et recomposition d'un ordre régional dans la Corne de l'Afrique

2005 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 307-321
Author(s):  
Roland Marchal
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Middle Eastern ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Horn Of Africa ◽  
Internal Dynamics ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Gulf States

From 1988, there has been a change in the pace of events in the Horn of Africa. The United States and the Soviet Union opted out of the logic of cold war which obtained up to then, leaving more room open to an intervention by neighbouring States (Israel, Irak, the Gulf States). The extension into the Horn of the Middle-Eastern rivalries is all the more real since the political powers are all in a precarious position, despite their use of an unmitigated coercion. Yet, the internal dynamics, which are complex, are still prevailing. It does not seem from their current evolution that there is any hope for real peace talks to end the conflicts.

Forging the “New” in Contemporary Art in Brazil, 1960s and 1970s

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elena Shtromberg
Keyword(s):  
Information And Communication Technologies ◽  
Contemporary Art ◽  
The United States ◽  
Capital City ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
Brazilian Art ◽  
Art Object ◽  
History Of ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S

The history of exhibitions in Brazil during the 1960s and 1970s provides a key reference point for understanding how artistic vanguards and contemporary art unfolded in direct relationship to social and political contexts. The seminal exhibitions during these pivotal decades elucidate how the contemporary in Brazilian art stages and reframes conceptions of the “new” vis-à-vis the art object. The exhibitions in question trace the development of Ferreira Gullar’s não-objeto (non-object, 1959) and its path toward the idea-based artwork, an impulse that was prevalent throughout the 1960s in the United States and Europe as well. Inaugurated by the emergence of Brasília, Brazil’s new capital city in the formerly barren hinterlands of the state of Goiás, the 1960s witnessed a new model of artistic practice that pushed the boundaries between art and life, actively seeking out the participation of the viewer. This is most evidenced in the canonical work of artists Hélio Oiticica and Lygia Clark. By the 1970s, challenges to the utopian undertakings from the previous decades had become imbricated with political activism, as artists and intellectuals alike pronounced a commitment to the quest for democracy after the military coup of 1964. The 1970s also witnessed heightened artistic engagement with new information and communication technologies, including the use of video equipment and computers. Constructing the history of Brazil’s contemporary art via the most important moments of its display will not only historically and politically contextualize some of the groundbreaking artists and artworks of these two decades, but also introduce readers to the challenges that these artworks posed to the more traditional methods of institutional display and the criteria used to interpret them.

The Revival of German Political and Constitutional Life Under Military Government

2013 ◽  
Author(s):  
Franz Neumann
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
The United States ◽  
Economic Policies ◽  
Military Government ◽  
Administrative Authority ◽  
National Elections ◽  
German Government ◽  
German Politics ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
German Authority

This chapter offers suggestions for the revival of German political and constitutional life under military government, with a view to providing an environment in which cooperation of the United States, United Kingdom, and the Soviet Union could be maximized. It examines a number of issues, such as the dismissal or retention of an existing German government; the appointment of a temporary central German authority by military government; the political, social, and economic policies to be pursued in Germany; the time and conditions under which local and national elections are to be held; and the time and method of the disestablishment of military government. The chapter considers the legal continuity of a German government existing at the time of occupation, the policy of military government toward a German government, and the establishment of a central German administrative authority. It also discusses basic issues in German politics under military government and the problem of elections.

Conclusion

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Victoria M. Grieve
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Public Schools ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
New Left ◽  
The United States ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Government Propaganda ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The Cold War

Throughout the twentieth century, children had become important symbolic representations to justify war, peace, humanitarian aid, and government intervention. But the Cold War, the global struggle between the United States and the Soviet Union following World War II, politicized children in new ways. Children themselves became political actors, cultural ambassadors, and semi-official diplomats of both nations. Government propaganda, private advertising, popular culture, and the public schools taught children how to fulfill these roles. By the early 1960s, however, some Americans began to argue that the very real possibility of nuclear war made children the reason to end, rather than escalate, the Cold War. But the politicized children of the Cold War years did not “return” to being children in the 1960s and 1970s. They took their politics in different directions, to the New Right and the New Left, to college campuses, and to the streets.

scholarly journals The Oromo National Movement And Gross Human Rights Violations In The Age Of Globalization

2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (5) ◽  
pp. 177
Author(s):  
Asafa Jalata
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Former Soviet Union ◽  
The United States ◽  
Current Status ◽  
Human Rights Violations ◽  
National Movement ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Impact

Today, the Oromo are an impoverished and powerless numerical majority and political minority13 in the Ethiopian empire; they have been the colonial subjects of Ethiopia, former Abyssinia, since the last decades of the 19th century. As the Ethiopian state colonized the Oromo with the help European imperialism, it has continued to terrorize, dominate, and exploit them with the help of successive global hegemonic powers such as England, the former Soviet Union, and the United States, To change the deplorable condition of the Oromo people, the Oromo movement is engaging in national struggle to restore the Oromo democratic tradition known as the gadaa system and to liberate the Oromo people from colonialism and all forms of oppression and exploitation by achieving their national self-determination. A few elements of Oromo elites who clearly understood the impact of Ethiopian colonialism and global imperialism on the Oromo society had facilitated the emergence of the Oromo national movement in the 1960s and 1970s by initiating the development of national Oromummaa (Oromo national culture, identity, and nationalism). This paper focuses on and explores three major issues: First, it briefly provides analytical and theoretical insights. Second, the paper explains the past and current status of the Oromo people in relation to gross Oromo human rights violations. Third, it identifies and examines some major constraints and opportunities for the Oromo national movement and the promotion of human rights, social justice, and democracy.

Allende's Chile and the Soviet Union: A Policy Lesson for Latin American Nations Seeking Autonomy

1979 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 339-368 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph L. Nogee ◽  
John W. Sloan
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Latin American ◽  
The United States ◽  
Basic Program ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
Democratic Movement ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
National Bourgeoisie ◽  
Economic Ties

The fall of Salvador Allende's government on September 11, 1973, has given rise to debates over many issues, such as the role of the United States in bringing about the conditions that led to a military coup, the feasibility of a peaceful road toward socialism, and the existence or nonexistence of a democratic and national bourgeoisie in Chile (Valenzuela and Valenzuela, 1975). One issue remains relatively unexplored, however, namely, how much was the Soviet Union willing to aid the Popular Unity (UP) government in its quest for autonomy from the United States? This quest for autonomy was a paramount foreign policy goal because the basic program of Allende's coalition government, approved by the Communist, Socialist, Radical, Social Democratic, Movement for Unitary Popular Action, and Independent Popular Action parties, stated that the basic cause of Chile's poverty and inflation was their intimate economic ties with the United States. The resulting dependence brought about the underdevelopment of Chile and prevented the Chilean bourgeoisie from being truly nationalistic. These dependent ties with the United States would have to be broken for Chile to be capable of autonomous development.

Musical Entanglements: Ely Haimowitz and Orchestral Music under the US Army Military Government in Korea, 1945–1948

2021 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-29
Author(s):  
HYE-JUNG PARK
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
The United States ◽  
Orchestral Music ◽  
Military Government ◽  
Us Army ◽  
Archival Collection ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The Us ◽  
Southern Korea

AbstractShortly after Japan's surrender to Allied forces, the Soviet Union occupied the northern part of Korea, and the United States moved into the south, where it established the US Army Military Government in Southern Korea (USAMGIK, 1945–1948). In the American zone, music played a unique role in forging US hegemony over Korea. Young American pianist Ely Haimowitz (1920–2010) was the central figure in shaping that policy. Associated with “highbrow” culture, Western orchestral music helped restore Koreans’ ethnic pride damaged by Japanese colonial rule, while countering the Soviet emphasis on indigenous music. By fostering Western orchestral music in Korea, and supporting many individual musicians, Haimowitz succeeded in gaining widespread admiration and trust among Korean musicians. Based on unique access to Haimowitz's private archival collection, as well as diverse historical records from Korea, this article develops a complex picture of Haimowitz not merely as a cold-blooded US military officer and propagandist but also as an individual musician who shared friendships with Korean musicians, suffered ethical dilemmas, and often supported Korean voices against the USAMGIK. The relationships he forged provide indispensable context in understanding USAMGIK music policy, Korean musicians’ responses to it, and the post–World War II Korean reception of Western orchestral music overall.

The Role of the Mongolian People’s Republic in the Korean War

2018 ◽  
pp. 97-130
Author(s):  
Denzenlkham Ulambayar
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Korean War ◽  
World Order ◽  
The United States ◽  
Central Intelligence Agency ◽  
Intelligence Agency ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Archival Documents ◽  
The Korean War ◽  
History Of

Since the 1990s, when previously classified and top secret Russian archival documents on the Korean War became open and accessible, it has become clear for post-communist countries that Kim Il Sung, Stalin and Mao Zedong were the primary organizers of the war. It is now equally certain that tensions arising from Soviet and American struggle generated the origins of the Korean War, namely the Soviet Union’s occupation of the northern half of the Korean peninsula and the United States’ occupation of the southern half to the 38th parallel after 1945 as well as the emerging bipolar world order of international relations and Cold War. Newly available Russian archival documents produced much in the way of new energies and opportunities for international study and research into the Korean War.2 However, within this research few documents connected to Mongolia have so far been found, and little specific research has yet been done regarding why and how Mongolia participated in the Korean War. At the same time, it is becoming today more evident that both Soviet guidance and U.S. information reports (evaluated and unevaluated) regarding Mongolia were far different from the situation and developments of that period. New examples of this tendency are documents declassified in the early 2000s and released publicly from the American Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) in December 2016 which contain inaccurate information. The original, uncorrupted sources about why, how and to what degree the Mongolian People’s Republic (MPR) became a participant in the Korean War are in fact in documents held within the Mongolian Central Archives of Foreign Affairs. These archives contain multiple documents in relation to North Korea. Prior to the 1990s Mongolian scholars Dr. B. Lkhamsuren,3 Dr. B. Ligden,4 Dr. Sh. Sandag,5 junior scholar J. Sukhee,6 and A. A. Osipov7 mention briefly in their writings the history of relations between the MPR and the DPRK during the Korean War. Since the 1990s the Korean War has also briefly been touched upon in the writings of B. Lkhamsuren,8 D. Ulambayar (the author of this paper),9 Ts. Batbayar,10 J. Battur,11 K. Demberel,12 Balảzs Szalontai,13 Sergey Radchenko14 and Li Narangoa.15 There have also been significant collections of documents about the two countries and a collection of memoirs published in 200716 and 2008.17 The author intends within this paper to discuss particularly about why, how and to what degree Mongolia participated in the Korean War, the rumors and realities of the war and its consequences for the MPR’s membership in the United Nations. The MPR was the second socialist country following the Soviet Union (the Union of the Soviet Socialist Republics) to recognize the DPRK (Democratic People’s Republic of Korea) and establish diplomatic ties. That was part of the initial stage of socialist system formation comprising the Soviet Union, nations in Eastern Europe, the MPR, the PRC (People’s Republic of China) and the DPRK. Accordingly between the MPR and the DPRK fraternal friendship and a framework of cooperation based on the principles of proletarian and socialist internationalism had been developed.18 In light of and as part of this framework, The Korean War has left its deep traces in the history of the MPR’s external diplomatic environment and state sovereignty

Worse Than a Monolith

2011 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas J. Christensen
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
The United States ◽  
Burden Sharing ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Coercive Diplomacy ◽  
Regional Conflicts ◽  
Security Relations ◽  
Opposing Camp ◽  
The Cold War

In brute-force struggles for survival, such as the two world wars, disorganization and divisions within an enemy alliance are to one's own advantage. However, most international security politics involve coercive diplomacy and negotiations short of all-out war. This book demonstrates that when states are engaged in coercive diplomacy—combining threats and assurances to influence the behavior of real or potential adversaries—divisions, rivalries, and lack of coordination within the opposing camp often make it more difficult to prevent the onset of regional conflicts, to prevent existing conflicts from escalating, and to negotiate the end to those conflicts promptly. Focusing on relations between the Communist and anti-Communist alliances in Asia during the Cold War, the book explores how internal divisions and lack of cohesion in the two alliances complicated and undercut coercive diplomacy by sending confusing signals about strength, resolve, and intent. In the case of the Communist camp, internal mistrust and rivalries catalyzed the movement's aggressiveness in ways that we would not have expected from a more cohesive movement under Moscow's clear control. Reviewing newly available archival material, the book examines the instability in relations across the Asian Cold War divide, and sheds new light on the Korean and Vietnam wars. While recognizing clear differences between the Cold War and post-Cold War environments, the book investigates how efforts to adjust burden-sharing roles among the United States and its Asian security partners have complicated U.S. security relations with the People's Republic of China since the collapse of the Soviet Union.

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