scholarly journals Konstitusionalitas Badan Peradilan Khusus dan MK dalam Penyelesaian Sengketa Hasil Pilkada Langsung

2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 503
Author(s):  
Slamet Suhartono
Keyword(s):  
Dispute Settlement ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Direct Election ◽  
Election Results

In accordance with the decision of the Constitutional Court Number 97/PUU-XI/2013, the Constitutional Court is no longer authorized to resolve disputes on direct election results, because the provisions of Article 236C of Law Number 12 Year 2008 NRI are against the Constitution of 1945. Article 157 paragraph (1) Law No. 8 Year 2015 determines that the dispute settlement on direct election results become the authority of specialized judiciary. But before a specialized judiciary is formed, then the Constitutional Court is authorized to resolve disputes on direct election results. The authority of the Constitutional Court is the constitutional authority to fulfill temporary legal vacuum (rechtvakum). Therefore legislators should immediately establish a specialized judiciary which has the authority to resolve the disputes on direct election results.

scholarly journals DESIGN OF SPECIAL JUSTICE AGENCY ELECTION CHAIN IN INDONESIA

2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 68
Author(s):  
Tri Susilo
Keyword(s):  
Government Regulation ◽  
Dispute Settlement ◽  
Ad Hoc ◽  
Institutional Design ◽  
National Level ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
Direct Election ◽  
Legal Remedies ◽  
Election Results

<p>Past-approval of government regulation in lieu of Law No.1 of 2014 concerning the election of governor, regent, and mayor (hereinafter called local election), In accordance with the decision of the Constitutional Court Number 97 /PUU-XI / 2013, the Constitutional Court is no longer authorized to resolve disputes on direct election results, because the provisions of Article 236C of Law Number 12 Year 2008 NRI are against the Constitution of 1945. Article 157 paragraph (1) Law No. 8 Year 2015 determines that the dispute settlement on direct election results become the authority of specialized judiciary. But before a specialized judiciary is formed, then the Constitutional Court is authorized to resolve disputes on direct election results. The authority of the Constitutional Court is the constitutional authority to fulfill temporary legal vacuum (rechtvakum). Therefore legislators should immediately establish a specialized judiciary which has the authority to resolve the disputes on direct election results. There is a new design in election mechanisms of regional hand. The law a quo stated that elections be held simultaneously at the national level. This design would require regulatory support, such as the establishment of as special court, solve any disputes that arise from the election. The problems emerge in this study is how the urgency of special court, how it compares to special court on election matters in various countries and how the relevance of the comparison can be applied in Indonesia. This was conducted using a legal-normative research. The research conclude unable to meet the demands for justice, for example, the court's decision are settled after the elections conducted and thick-layers on legal remedies so it is counterproductive to the election that have limited period of time. These legal remedies are even separated in several judicatures. Various countries have also established a special court on local elections with a variety of institutional design and procedural law. For Indonesia, the special court is ad hoc court, based on provincial and district or city and authorized to settle disputes concerning the local elections.</p>

scholarly journals URGENSI PEMBENTUKAN BADAN PERADILAN KHUSUS DALAM PENYELESAIAN SENGKETA HASIL PILKADA LANGSUNG

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (01) ◽  
pp. 139-152
Author(s):  
Yonata Harefa ◽  
Haposan Siallagan ◽  
Hisar Siregar
Keyword(s):  
Dispute Settlement ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Direct Election ◽  
Election Results

In accordance with the decision of the Constitutional Court Number 97 / PUU-XI / 2013, the Constitutional Court is no longer authorized to resolve disputes on direct election results, because the provisions of Article 236C of Law Number 12 Year 2008 NRI are against the Constitution of 1945. Article 157 paragraph (1) Law No. 8 Year 2015 determines that the dispute settlement on direct election results become the authority of specialized judiciary. But before a specialized judiciary is formed, then the Constitutional Court is authorized to resolve disputes on direct election results. The authority of the Constitutional Court is the constitutional authority to fulfill temporary legal vacuum (rechtvakum). Therefore legislators should immediately establish a specialized judiciary which has the authority to resolve the disputes on direct election results.

scholarly journals Legal Pollution of Dispute Settlement Results of Regional Head Selection Realizing the Election Justice

2021 ◽  
Vol 04 (05) ◽  
Author(s):  
Gita Santika Ramadhani, Suteki ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Dispute Resolution ◽  
Government Regulation ◽  
Dispute Settlement ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
The Supreme Court ◽  
Election Results ◽  
Law And Justice ◽  
The Government ◽  
Dispute Resolution Mechanism ◽  
Sense Of Justice

The implementation of direct regional head elections in the regions often raises disputes regarding the determination of the results of the vote. Efforts made by candidates who are dissatisfied with this determination are to submit a cancellation to the judicial institution. The update on the system for resolving the election results was carried out by the government to overcome this problem, namely the Government Regulation in Lieu of Law No. 1 of 2014. Problems discussed in this study include: how the dispute resolution mechanism was issued before the regulation, what updates are contained in the regulation how to achieve effective and fair election outcome dispute resolution. This study is a normative legal research that is descriptive in nature using a legal and analytical approach. Based on the results of the study, it can be concluded that the fundamental renewal lies with the institution authorized to handle, namely from the Constitutional Court to the High Court appointed by the Supreme Court. The author recommends that the renewal must be supported by technical regulations to ensure effectiveness and fulfill a sense of justice. Based on this research, the results show that the dynamics of the shifting of dispute resolution authority over the election results are influenced by the decision of the MK opened legally policy and the background of certain events. Namely: the problem of bribery that ensnares the judge, decisions that are considered controversial, case accumulation, and unpreparedness of institutional structure and infrastructure. Regarding the threshold requirements as a condition for receiving a dispute over a dispute over the results of a regional election, it has not yet supported the fulfillment of electoral / election justice. Because it has the potential to ignore aspects of substantive justice, mainly because it does not make the facts of the violations structured, systematic and massive (TSM) as a variable in examining cases. This neglect is not in line with one of the universally adopted principles of law and justice, which states that no one can benefit from irregularities and violations committed by himself and no one may be harmed by irregularities and violations committed by others (nullus / nemo commodum capere potes de injuria sua propria).

scholarly journals Tindak Pidana Pemilihan Sebagai Dasar Perselisihan Hasil Pemilihan Umum Kepala Daerah

2017 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rahmanu Wijaya
Keyword(s):  
Dispute Resolution ◽  
General Election ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Election Law ◽  
Movement Rate ◽  
The Past ◽  
Direct Election ◽  
Dynamic Movement ◽  
The People ◽  
Election Results

<p><em>The resolution of dispute over election results of regional head experienced a dynamic movement rate, in line with the dialectic of the implementation of election regional head itself. Whereas in the past, based on Article 34 Paragraph (1) of Indonesia Law Number 22 Year 1999, the filling of the position of regional head and deputy head of region shall be conducted by the Regional House of Representative by a peaceful election. However, since the enactment of Indonesia Law Number 32 Year 2004, in Article 24 paragraph (5) determined the filling of the position of regional head and regional representatives implemented through direct election by the people in the region concerned. This direct election which eventually became part of the election law regime based on Article 236 C of Indonesia Law Number 12 Year 2008. In line with the development of the election, there was also a mechanism for dispute resolution of the results of General Election based on Article 157 paragraph (3) of Indonesia Law Number 8 of 2015 becomes the absolute competence of the Constitutional Court where one of the reasons for the filing of a petition is based on an election crime.</em><em></em></p><strong><em>Keywords:</em></strong><em> Crime of Elections, Dispute on Results of General Election of Regional Head</em>

scholarly journals The Concept of Regional General Election Dispute Resolution During the Reformation Era

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (8) ◽  
pp. 390
Author(s):  
Nofi Sri Utami ◽  
Abid Zamzami ◽  
Bahroin Budiya
Keyword(s):  
Dispute Resolution ◽  
General Election ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Political Awareness ◽  
Direct Election ◽  
The Reformation ◽  
Democratic Ideals ◽  
Election Results ◽  
Democratic Principles ◽  
Election Commission

A form of democracy’s manifestation is the organization of the general election, namely a ritual carried out to choose a leader. Indonesia’s general election is aimed to achieve people’s sovereignty and simultaneously apply the democratic principles and values, to increase the people’s political awareness to actively participate in the general election to achieve the Indonesian people’s democratic ideals. The first organization of the Head of the Region elections was during the Reformation Era, specifically in 2005, through direct election. The implementation of this direct regional general election surely resulted to some disputes. The direct organization of head of the regions certainly resulted to disputes, including the dispute between the General Election Commission and the general election participants regarding the national general election vote obtainment results which may influence the election participants’ seat acquisition. Another dispute regards the head of the region general election results. Formerly, the resolution of this type of dispute was carried out at the constitutional court.

scholarly journals Dispute Settlement of Regional Head General Election Results On the Difference in Voting; Analysis of the Decision of the Constitutional Court No.28/PHP.BUP-XVI/2018 Regarding the Determination of the Regional Head of Bogor Regency 2018

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Muhammad Latief ◽  
Siti Ngainnur Rohmah
Keyword(s):  
Dispute Settlement ◽  
General Election ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
The Difference ◽  
Election Results

Ketidakpuasan Calon Bupati dan Wakil Bupati Kabupaten Bogor menyebabkan pasangan Jaro Ade-Inggrid Kansil menggugat KPUD Bogor  di Mahkamah Konstitusi. Setelah melaksanakan persidangan dengan memeriksa alat bukti dan mendengarkan keterangan saksi Mahkamah Konstitusi mengeluarkan putusan yang mengagetkan. Dalam putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi Nomor 28/PHP.BUP-XVI/2018 Dalam sidang putusan Nomor 28/PHP.BUP-XVI/2018, MK menimbang bahwa Pasal 158 ayat (2) huruf d UU Pilkada menyatakan penetapan hasil penghitungan perolehan suara dengan ketentuan kabupaten/kota dengan jumlah penduduk lebih dari 1.000.000 jiwa, pengajuan perselisihan perolehan suara dapat dilakukan jika terdapat perbedaan paling banyak sebesar 0,5 persen dari total suara sah hasil penghitungan suara tahap akhir KPU Kabupaten/Kota. Tujuan penelitian pada skripsi ini adalah: 1) Untuk memahami bagaimanakah proses penyelesaian sengketa hasil pemilihan umum kepala daerah Bogor tahun 2018 di Mahkamah Konstitusi; 2) Untuk memahami baagaimana pertimbangan hakim Mahkamah Konstitusi terhadap penyelesaian sengketa hasil pemilu kepala daerah Bogor tahun 2018. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian kajian pustaka dengan pendekatan undang-undang yaitu penelitian terhadap produk-produk hukum. Setelah diteliti ditemukan bahwa proses penyelesaian sengketa hasil pemilukada telah sesuai dengan hukum acara peradilan di Mahkamah Konstitusi. Selain itu juga Mahkamah Konstitusi menganggap selisih suara 2,38% hasil perhitungan, lebih besar dari ketentuan yang telah ditetapkan 0,5% dalam undang-undang pemilu. Sehingga Pemohon dianggap tidak memiliki kedudukan hukum.

scholarly journals Justice Constitutionality of Specialized Court in Coping with the Dispute on Direct Local Leader Election Result

2018 ◽  
pp. 89-96
Author(s):  
Ebin Marwi
Keyword(s):  
Dispute Settlement ◽  
Leader Election ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Election Result ◽  
Local Leader ◽  
Election Results

In accordance with the petition of Constitutional Court Number 97/PUU-XI/2013, Constitutional Court is no longer authorized to resolves disputes on direct Local Leader Election result, because provisions of Article 236C of Law Number 12 Year 2018 Republic of Indonesia against the constitution of 1945 Article 157 paragraph (1) Law Number 8 Year 2018 determines that the dispute settlement on direct Local Leader Election results become the authority of specialized judiciary. But before a specialized judiciary is formed, then the Constitutional Court is authorized to resolve disputes on direct Local Leader Election results. The authority of the Constitutional Court is the constituional authority to fulfill temporary vacuum of norm (rechtvakum). Therefore Legislators should immediately establish a specialized judiciary which has the authority to resolve the disputes on direct Local Leader Election result.

scholarly journals Evaluasi Pilkada Pelaksanaan Pilkada Serentak Tahun 2015

2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 196
Author(s):  
Pangi Syarwi Chaniago
Keyword(s):  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Qualitative Method ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Regional Government ◽  
Government Budget ◽  
Quality Of Democracy ◽  
Direct Election ◽  
Election Results ◽  
Sense Of Justice

<p>This study was carried out to evaluate the enforcement of the first direct district heads election in 2015, in order to promote the quality of democracy. This study applied qualitative method. There were several findings on this study; (1) direct district heads election has not been efficient yet; (2) direct district heads election has not been able to promote political participation; (3) direct district heads election has not been able to shut off money politic; (4) recruitment the election of district head candidates has not been transparant; (5) financing of direct election was not charged (appropriate) to Regional Government Budget; (6) Constitutional Court refused to adjudicate the dispute of election results if the margin of ballot more than 2%, it broke sense of justice; (7) the phenomenon of the emergence of a single candidate for district heads due to regulations, the must withdraw from candidacy for they were civil servants, military/police, House of Representatives, Regional Representative Board and Regional House of Representatives.</p>

scholarly journals INSTITUTIONAL DISPUTES SETTLEMENT MECHANISM OF SUCCESSION IN NGAYOGYAKARTA HADININGRAT SULTANATE

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-83
Author(s):  
Iwan Satriawan ◽  
Faishal Aji Prakosa
Keyword(s):  
Dispute Settlement ◽  
Customary Law ◽  
Court Decision ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Royal Family ◽  
Executive Leaders ◽  
Female Figure ◽  
Settlement Mechanism ◽  
Special Region

The Constitutional Court Decision No. 88/PUU-XIV/2016 grants a possibility for a woman to be a candidate for Governor and Vice-Governor in the Special Region of Yogyakarta. As the only province in Indonesia where the executive leaders are only able from the royal family of the Ngayogyakarta Hadiningrat, the decision then triggers a polemic among people in the region. This is due to the current governor, Sri Sultan Hamengku Buwono X, does not have a son as his successor to the throne. Thus, this paper reveals institutional disputes’ settlement mechanism in the Ngayogyakarta Hadiningrat Sultanate if any disputes ever appear. The outcome finds that the Sultanate has yet clear mechanism of dispute settlement among the royal family and no official institution which possesses authority to settle royal disputes. Insofar, the Sultanate has had a customary law or paugeran adat in which a female figure might taking the throne to be the Sultanah and the governor of the province. Nevertheless, the authors recommend to establish an institution to settle royal disputes for the continuation of the Ngayogyakarta Hadiningrat Sultanate. Abstrak: Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi No. 88/PUU-XIV/2016 meniscayakan adanya kemungkinan untuk seorang perempuan menjadi kandidat Gubernur dan Wakil Gubernur di provinsi Daerah Istimewa Yogyakarta. Sebagai satu-satunya pronvisi di Indonesia dimana pemegang kekuasaan eksekutif daerah hanya boleh berasal dari keturunan kerajaan Ngayogyakarta Hadiningrat, keputusan tersebut nyatanya memicu polemic diantara masyarakat di daerah. Hal ini disebabkan oleh tidak adanya keturunan laki-laki dari gubernur atau sultan yang sedang menjabat saat ini, yaitu Sri Sultan Hamengku Buwono X, untuk melanjutkan tahta kepemimpinan. Oleh sebab itu, artikel ini bertujuan untuk melihat mekanisme penyelesaian sengketa institusi di Keraton Ngayogyakarta Hadiningrat jika terjadi sengketa. Hasil yang ditemukan adalah tidak adanya mekanisme penyelesaian sengketa di dalam Keraton serta tidak adanya institusi resmi yang dapat memutus dan menyelesaikan sengketa tersebut. Hingga saat ini, Keraton hanya menerapkan hukum adat atau paugeran adat dimana mengizinkan untuk seorang perempuan mengambil alih tahta dan menjadi seorang Sultanah sekaligus gubernur. Namun demikian, penulis menyarankan untuk tetap dibentuknya sebuah lembaga yang memiliki otoritas untuk menyelesaikan sengketa antar anggota Keraton guna keberlanjutan Keraton Ngayogyakarta Hadiningrat kedepannya. Kata Kunci: Sengketa Institusi, Keraton Ngayogyakarta Hadiningrat, Sultanah

scholarly journals ANALISIS FRAMING PEMBERITAAN SENGKETA PILPRES TAHUN 2019 PADA SURAT KABAR JAWA POS

2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-41
Author(s):  
Muhammad Lukman Ihsanuddin
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Election ◽  
Secondary Data ◽  
Primary Data ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Strong Basis ◽  
Candidate Pair ◽  
The Media ◽  
Election Results ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Almost All

This research was conducted in order to find out the objectivity of the media in delivering news of the 2019 presidential election dispute in the Republic of Indonesia. The research method used is qualitative using Robert N. Entman's framing approach. Sources of data in this study are primary data, data obtained from the Java post coverage from the 18 June to 28 June 2019 edition, and secondary data in the form of writing about Java post and books relating to Robert N. Entman's framing analysis. The results of his research are 1) The reporting written by journalists uses two depictions of moral values, namely positive values and negative values. Positive values are often raised to describe the actions of the Constitutional Court, KPU and candidate pair 01 JokowiMa'ruf Amin, while negative values are often raised against the depictions of the candidate pair 02 Prabowo-Sandi. Almost all news texts written by journalists describe the weak position of candidate pair 02 due to the weakness of the arguments submitted and the evidence and witnesses provided cannot be accounted for, even it is reported that candidate pair 02 has also submitted witnesses who provided false statements. The second aspect is regarding the position of Jawa Pos in reporting disputes over the results of the 2019 presidential election. Journalists in Jawa Pos felt less balanced in reporting the conflict. This can be seen from the emphasis which is indirectly more favorable for the position of candidate pair Jokowi-Ma'ruf Amin compared with candidate pair 02 Prabowo-Sandi. Almost all news taken as objects of study in this study tend to prioritize Jokowi-Ma'ruf Amin and marginalize Prabowo-Sandi's position.Candidate 01Jokowi-Ma'ruf Amin is depicted as a disadvantaged party by submitting the dispute of the 2019 presidential election results to the constitutional line while pair 02 of Prabowo-Sandi is described as a guilty party and does not have a strong basis to prove his allegations regarding fraud committed by the paslon 01 Jokowi-Ma'ruf Amin. 2) the reporting of postal Javanese journalists in reporting the 2019 Presidential Election Dispute conflict, lacking balance in presenting information, tended to support the candidate pair 1 Jokowi-Ma'ruf Amin. Keywords: Framing, 2019 Presidential Election Dispute, Newspaper, Jawa Pos Penelitian ini dilakukan dalama rangka ingin mengetahui objektifitas media dalam menyampaikan berita sengketa pilpres tahun 2019 di Republik Indonesia. Dalam penelitian ini mengungakan metode kualitatif dengan menggunakan pendekatan framing Robert. N. Entman. Sumber data dalam penelitian ini adalah data primer, data yang didapatkan dari pemberitaan Jawa pos dari edisi 18 Juni sampai 28 Juni 2019,dan data sekunder berupatulisan mengenai Jawa pos serta buku-buku yang berkaitan dengan analisisframing Robert. N. Entman. Hasil penelitiannya yaitu 1) Pemberitaan yang ditulis wartawan menggunakan dua penggambaran nilai moral, yaitu nilai positif dan nilai negatif. Nilai positif sering dimunculkan terhadap penggambaran tindakan MK, KPU dan paslon 01 Jokowi-Ma’ruf Amin, sedangkan nilai negatif sering dimunculkan terhadap penggambaran tindakan paslon 02 Prabowo-Sandi. Hampir seluruh teks berita yang wartawan tulis mengambarkan lemahnya posisi paslon 02 karena tidak kuatnya dalil-dalil yang diajukan serta bukti-bukti dan saksi yang diberikan tidak dapat dipertanggungjawabkan, bahkan diberitakan bahwa paslon 02 juga telah mengajukan saksi yang memberikan keterangan palsu. Aspek kedua adalah mengenai posisi Jawa Pos dalam memberitakan sengketa hasil pilpres 2019.Wartawan Jawa Pos dirasa kurang berimbang dalam memberitakan konflik tersebut. Hal ini dapat dilihat dari penekanan yang secara tidak langsung lebih menguntungkan posisi paslon 01 Jokowi-Ma’ruf Amin dibanding dengan paslon 02 Prabowo-Sandi. Hampir seluruh berita yang diambil sebagai objek kajian dalam penelitian ini cenderung mengutamakan pihak Jokowi-Ma’ruf Amin dan memarjinalkan posisi Prabowo-Sandi. Paslon 01 Jokowi-Ma’ruf Amin digambarkan sebagai pihak yang dirugikan dengan adanya pengajuan sengketa hasil pilpres 2019 ke jalur konstitusi sedangkan paslon 02 Prabowo-Sandi digambarkan sebagai pihak yang bersalah dan tidak memiliki dasar yang kuat untuk membuktikan tuduhannya mengenai kecurangan yang telah dilakukan oleh paslon 01 Jokowi-Ma’ruf Amin. 2) pemberitaan wartawan Jawa pos dalam memberitakan konflik Sengketa Pilpres Tahun 2019, kurang berimbang dalam menyuguhkan informasi, cenderung mendukung pada paslon 1 Jokowi-Ma’ruf Amin. Kata Kunci: Framing, Sengketa Pilpres 2019, Surat Kabar, Jawa Pos

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