scholarly journals Meeting the Challenge of Economic Sanctions: Russian Legislative and Institutional Perspective

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 8-23
Author(s):  
Ivan N. Timofeev ◽  

The article deals with the Russian experience of countering foreign economic sanctions. It makes a special stress on the legislative and institutional perspectives of the Russian practice. The key point implies that, despite significant innovations, Russian institutional design of counter-sanctions policy still suffers from a number of shortcomings. A tentative list includes a lack of coherence of key concepts, unsophisticated distribution of power among different governmental agencies, legal gaps in terms of civil and criminal liability for violation of the Russian counter-sanctions legislation etc. The article provides insights into key Russian legal documents as well as the practice of their implementation. Besides that, the research aims at filling the gap in sanctions literature, related to the disbalance between studies of initiators’ policies and targets of sanctions: research on the policy of initiator states prevail over that on the target states. Inquiry into the Russian practice may contribute to the studies of target states’ policies under sanctions.

Author(s):  
Oksana Stepanenko ◽  
Andriy Stepanenko ◽  
Maryna Shepotko

In modern conditions of development of public relations complication of activity of law enforcement agencies is observed. This is due to new challenges in the law enforcement system, including the fight against high levels of the organization and the criminal professionalism of corrupt individuals. Because of this, it is challenging for operational units to identify specific facts of illegal actions with the help of operational and investigative measures. At the same time, the fight against crime by establishing high quantitative indicators of disclosure remains one of the principles of law enforcement in Ukraine, including sometimes deviating from those means established by law. Therefore, the problem of provoking bribery is relevant for scholars of the legislator and law enforcement. The object of the study is criminal liability for provoking bribery. The research methodology consists of such methods as the dialectical method, analytical method, historical method, method of analysis of legal documents, articles, and monographs, method of generalization, comparison, synthesis, and modeling method. The authors identified the features of such liability to clarify the problematic issues of qualification of provoking bribery, and to distinguish the distinctive features of prosecution from other types of crimes.


2019 ◽  
pp. 179-202
Author(s):  
Jason Potts

Chapter 8 examines the implications of the private-ordering institutional perspective on the origin of innovation for innovation policy. It addresses the question of what innovation policy should look like based on the theory of innovation commons, proposing an institutional framework of new innovation policy coming from civil society as much as from government. It examines how the quality of the innovation commons shapes the prospects of an innovation trajectory. It is critical of innovation policy that ignores institutional context, offering policy guidance based on institutional design principles, or a framework of “rules as policy.” The chapter views the fundamental policy problem as addressing discovery failure. It develops the comparative institutional approach to innovation policy using the institutional possibility frontier approach.


1973 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 387-413 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna P. Schreiber

The application of economic sanctions against Rhodesia and the results of that effort raise the question of the effectiveness of economic coercion as an instrument of foreign policy. A review of U.S. economic coercion against Cuba, in effect since June 1960, and against the Dominican Republic during the period 1960–1962 may be timely and instructive. By exploring the steps leading to the application of U.S. economic coercion, its objectives, and its concrete impact on the target states it may be possible to develop some useful generalizations about the role of economic weapons as tools of foreign policy.


2003 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 391-405 ◽  
Author(s):  
Leslee A. Fisher ◽  
Ted M. Butryn ◽  
Emily A. Roper

The central purpose of this paper is to speculate on the ways that sport psychology researchers, educators, and practitioners can use a cultural studies perspective to enhance their research and applied work. At base, cultural studies critiques and challenges existing norms and practices and examines how these practices affect people in their everyday lives (Hall, 1996a). Although cultural studies has been notoriously difficult to define (see Storey, 1996), most cultural studies projects deal with the interrelated issues of (a) social difference, (b) the distribution of power, and (c) social justice. In this paper, cultural studies is first defined, incorporating sport-related examples wherever possible. Next, key concepts in cultural studies including power, privilege, and praxis are explored. We then discuss how sport psychology scholars and practitioners might promote an “athletes-as-citizens” (Sage, 1993) model of service provision in the applied setting.


Author(s):  
Thomas Altmann ◽  
Jason Giersch

AbstractThe literature on unintended consequences of economic sanctions is well developed, but few studies have addressed terrorism in target states, and none have assessed whether that terrorism becomes more effective when sanctions are in place. In this study, we test whether economic sanctions lead to an increase in the lethality of terrorism. Using data from multiple sources, we find that while sanctions are unrelated to the rate of success of terrorist attacks, they are positively associated with the number of fatalities resulting from terrorist attacks. These findings further the need for policymakers to consider the consequences sanctions have on the target country populace.


Economies ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 2
Author(s):  
Mehmet Onder

This analysis highlights the significant role that domestic actors play in determining the outcomes of economic sanctions. It models the behavior of the main opposition party during an economic sanction episode, and introduces two commonly used variables when considering the effectiveness of economic sanctions—regime type and issue type—from a different perspective. Using Bayesian probabilities and a two-stage game-theoretic approach, the analysis finds that states are more likely to impose economic sanctions related to security issues rather than to nonsecurity issues. The tendency to impose sanctions to coerce action on security-related issues is higher when opposition parties in the sanctioning state object to the sanctions. The findings demonstrate that sanctions are more effective when they are supported by the opposition in sender states, as well as target states. Consistent with the literature, this analysis finds that sanctions are more effective when they are targeted against democracies. The game results indicate that sanctions are more successful when they relate to security issues. This paper supplies policymakers with a simple criterion for economic sanctions successs comprised of the support of the opposition within the sender state, that the issue should be of high stakes, and there is support for the economic sanctions from a viable opposition within the target state.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Jin Mun Jeong

[ACCESS RESTRICTED TO THE UNIVERSITY OF MISSOURI AT AUTHOR'S REQUEST.] A large body of scholarship have shown that economic sanctions cause human suffering in target states. This unintended negative effect of sanctions might undermine legitimacy international sanctions regime. However, grave humanitarian consequences are by no means an inevitable outcome of economic sanctions. This research explores the conditions under which economic sanctions bring about humanitarian pains in targets. I suggest that sanctions instrument is an important determinant to examine humanitarian consequences of economic sanctions. Specifically, trade sanctions negatively affect human security by restraining essential humanitarian goods inflow and inflicting economic costs on the vulnerable people. On the other hand, foreign aid sanctions neither directly prevent humanitarian goods imports nor disproportionately hurt the vulnerable class of targets. In the empirical tests, I examine health adjusted life expectancy of 159 countries from 1995 to 2010 as an indicator of human security. The findings imply that human suffering of target states of sanctions is mainly attributed to trade sanctions, but aid sanctions have no systematic negative effect.


Author(s):  
Giuseppe Ieraci

Abstract The institutional design of democratic regimes has attracted much attention from a legal and political perspective, because it affects the actual distribution of power among political actors and the effectiveness of their decisions. The article advances a classification of the democratic institutional design, with particular reference to the triangular interactions among Presidents, Governments, and Parliaments. Moving from the assumption that the arrangements among these three top political institutions identify the main patterns of the democratic government, the distinction among Parliamentary, Presidential, and Semi-Presidential systems set by the constitutional law is rejected and a new classification schema is advanced. In this new perspective, the institutional design of democracy consists of the institutional roles of authority, procedural resources attached to them and arenas of confrontation among the roles.


2017 ◽  
Vol 70 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-52 ◽  
Author(s):  
David B. Carter ◽  
H. E. Goemans

This article examines how the institutional design of borders affects international trade. The authors explore variation in the effects of borders by comparing new international borders that follow precedent and thus have a prior institutional history with new international borders that lack such an institutional history. The former minimally disrupt—or restore—previous economic networks, while the latter fundamentally disrupt existing economic networks. A variety of empirical tests show that, consistent with this institutional perspective on borders, new international boundaries that follow precedent are associated with significantly faster recovery and greater increase in subsequent trade flows. By contrast, when new international borders are truly new, they disrupt local economic networks, introduce new transaction costs, and impose higher adjustment costs on states, which the authors show to have long-term deleterious effects on trade.


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