scholarly journals 2018 Presidential Elections and fertility variations across regions in Brazil

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Everton E. C. Lima ◽  
José H C Monteiro da Silva

In this work, we analyzed the spatial distribution of fertility levels in 558 microregions of Brazil and correlated it with vote outcomes from the last presidential election of 2018, controlling for important confounding variables. Applying spatial regression models, to the contrary of expected, we see that votes in Bolsonaro did not associate positively with fertility levels. In fact, in regions where its political adversary won, the Brazilian Labour Party (PT), the fertility levels are on average higher than the ones where Bolsonaro had electoral success. However, we would expect that these results will be different, due to the fact that Bolsonaro represents conservatism and traditional family values, which in turn resumes in desires for more children. In line with McDonald’s gender equity theory, we argue that votes in Bolsonaro may actually indicate other facets of reproduction, like an electorate with defending lesser gender equity in family institutions and that also configures in smaller TFR as consequence.

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katarzyna Jasko ◽  
Joanna Grzymala-Moszczynska ◽  
Marta Maj ◽  
Marta Szastok ◽  
Arie W. Kruglanski

Reactions of losers and winners of political elections have important consequences for the political system during the times of power transition. In four studies conducted immediately before and after the 2016 US presidential elections we investigated how personal significance induced by success or failure of one’s candidate is related to hostile vs. benevolent intentions toward political adversaries. We found that the less significant supporters of Hillary Clinton and supporters of Donald Trump felt after an imagined (Study 1A) or actual (Study 2) electoral failure the more they were willing to engage in peaceful actions against the elected president and the less they were willing to accept the results of the elections. However, while significance gain due to an imagined or actual electoral success was related to more benevolent intentions among Clinton supporters (Study 1B), it was related to more hostile intentions among Trump supporters (Studies 1B, 2, and 3).


2012 ◽  
Vol 45 (04) ◽  
pp. 635-639 ◽  
Author(s):  
Douglas A. Hibbs

According to the Bread and Peace Model postwar, American presidential elections should be interpreted as a sequence of referendums on the incumbent party's record during its four-year mandate period. In fact postwar aggregate votes for president are well explained by just two objectively measured fundamental determinants: (1) weighted-average growth of per capita real disposable personal income over the term, and (2) cumulative US military fatalities due to unprovoked, hostile deployments of American armed forces in foreign wars. No other outside variable systematically affects postwar aggregate votes for president.


2020 ◽  
Vol 73 (suppl 5) ◽  
Author(s):  
Thatiana Araújo Maranhão ◽  
Carlos Henrique Alencar ◽  
Mônica de Avelar Figueiredo Mafra Magalhães ◽  
George Jó Bezerra Sousa ◽  
Leonardo Miranda Ribeiro ◽  
...  

ABSTRACT Objective: To analyze the spatial pattern of AIDS mortality and social factors associated with its occurrence. Methods: An ecological study that considered 955 AIDS deaths of residents in Piauí, reported in the Mortality Information System (MIS) from 2007 to 2015. Non-spatial and spatial regression models were used to identify social determinants of AIDS mortality, with a significance of 5%. Results: The predictors of AIDS mortality were illiteracy rate in males (p = 0.020), proportion of households with water supply (p = 0.015), percentage of people in households with inadequate walls (p = 0.022), percentage of people in households vulnerable to poverty and in whom no one has completed primary education (p = 0.000) and percentage of people in households vulnerable to poverty and dependent on the elderly (p = 0.009). Conclusion: Social indicators related to education, job and income generation and housing were associated with AIDS mortality.


2012 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 77-97
Author(s):  
Pankaj Sinha ◽  
Aastha Sharma Aastha Sharma ◽  
Harsh Vardhan Singh

This paper investigates the factors responsible for predicting 2012 U.S. Presidential election. Though contemporary discussions on Presidential election mention that unemployment rate will be a deciding factor in this election, it is found that unemployment rate is not significant for predicting the forthcoming Presidential election. Except GDP growth rate, various other economic factors like interest rate, inflation, public debt, change in oil and gold prices, budget deficit/surplus and exchange rate are also not significant for predicting the U.S. Presidential election outcome. Lewis-Beck and Rice (1982) proposed Gallup rating, obtained in June of the election year, as a significant indicator for forecasting the Presidential election. However, the present study finds that even though there exists a relationship between June Gallup rating and incumbent vote share in the Presidential election, the Gallup rating cannot be used as the sole indicator of the Presidential elections. Various other non-economic factors like scandals linked to the incumbent President and the performance of the two parties in the midterm elections are found to be significant. We study the influence of the above economic and non-economic variables on voting behavior in U.S. Presidential elections and develop a suitable regression model for predicting the 2012 U.S. Presidential election. The emergence of new non-economic factors reflects the changing dynamics of U.S. Presidential election outcomes. The proposed model forecasts that the Democrat candidate Mr. Barack Obama is likely to get a vote percentage between 51.818 % - 54.239 %, with 95% confidence interval.


2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 57-70 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tomasz Olczyk ◽  
Jacek Wasilewski

The 2015 presidential election was a turning point in a history of celebritisation of politics in Poland. Rock vocalist Paweł Kukiz unexpectedly finished third with 20% of votes, the highest result of any celebrity–candidate in presidential elections. He achieved that, campaigning mostly on Facebook, without any significant power base and financial support. Kukiz set up his own political organisation, which gained a 9% backing in the parliamentary elections. He achieved that with no political platform, no media backing, and no party structure. We argue that his persona was a crucial asset in his political success. We will show how Kukiz created, managed and performed his persona, how he used it to mobilise three million voters and then to create and brand his “Kukiz’15 Movement.” Finally, we analyse limits, traps and contradictions of persona power. Analysed material includes Paweł Kukiz’s and his opponents’ Facebook posts, televised political advertisements, performances in celebrity TV shows and debates.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Jacob Weaver

In 2016, the Republican-held Senate refused to hold a hearing on President Barack Obama’s nominee, Merrick Garland, sparking outrage among the Democratic Party. Then-Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell justified his party’s actions based on what became known as the “McConnell Rule.” This controversial rule holds that during years of presidential elections, when the president and the Senate majority are of different parties, the Senate is not expected to confirm the president’s Supreme Court nominees; but, when the president and Senate majority are of the same party, vacancies may be filled. When the Senate applied this rule in 2020, the stakes were even higher. Revered liberal stalwart Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg passed away only 46 days before the 2020 presidential election. Invoking the McConnell Rule, the Republican-held Senate moved forward with the confirmation of President Trump’s nominee Amy Coney Barrett. This contentious move again infuriated Democrats, and the presidential campaign. Now that Justice Barrett has been appointed and the presidential election has passed, it is useful to look back on the history of Supreme Court nominations during presidential election years. Such a review suggests that the so-called McConnell Rule is rooted in valid historical precedent. In fact, viewed in light of American history, even a Trump lame duck nomination and confirmation would have been valid. This blog post argues that the Senate should distill this historical precedent into an explicit Rule of the Senate that will govern the chamber going forward. The rule should obligate the Senate to either (1) hold a vote to confirm the election-year or lame duck nominee, or (2) hold a vote to postpone action on the nomination. If a vote to postpone action on the nomination fails, the rule should then compel the Senate to hold a vote to confirm the nominee. Such a rule removes all doubt about the Senate’s authority to act or refuse to act on election-year and lame duck nominees, exposes unfounded threats of retaliation by minority parties, and best conforms to the Constitution.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 163-187
Author(s):  
Alexandros Bartzokas-Tsiompras ◽  
◽  
Yorgos Photis ◽  

Prior research has reported that people living in more walkable places gain significant health, and environmental sustainability benefits. However, the positive impacts of walkable urbanism are not often inclusive and might affect minority groups. On this basis, this paper develops a composite GIS-based walkability measure (0-1) for Berlin metro area and investigates the association of walkable neighborhood design with ethnic diversity (i.e., Entropy Index). We explore this relationship by applying spatial regression models (i.e., OLS, GWR), while we control the effects of traffic-related air pollution (i.e., NO2), building height, and children density. Our findings suggest that for the total of 447 Berlin neighborhoods which were examined only one out of three had walkability scores greater than 0.5 as well as that community ethnic diversity is negatively related to walkability (β=-0.159, p<0.01).


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 457-478
Author(s):  
Arindra Wigrha Pratama

Political insecurity ahead of the 2019 presidential and vice presidential election candidates often arises in the Pati Police jurisdiction. The establishment of this task force aims to minimize the occurrence of various political vulnerabilities ahead of the presidential and vice presidential elections so as not to develop into social conflict. The purpose of this study is to analyze the problems of political vulnerability that existed during the 2019 Presidential Election in the Pati Police jurisdiction, describe and explain the role of the Nusantara Task Force in preventing the occurrence of problems of political vulnerability that existed during the 2019 Presidential Election in the Pati Police area, and analyze the factors factors influencing the implementation of the Task Force of the Archipelago in preventing the occurrence of problems of political insecurity that existed during the 2019 Presidential Election in the Pati Police jurisdiction. Theories used in this research are the Role Theory and Voter Behavior Theory. The concept used is the Nusantara Task Force Concept. The laws and regulations in this study are Law No. 2 of 2002 concerning the National Police and the Law. No. 7 of 2017 concerning General Elections, as well as National Police Chief Sprin No. .: Sprin / 40 / I / 2018 Date January 8, 2018 About the Establishment of the Task Force Nusantara.


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