The Electoral Consequences of Cellphone Coverage Expansion

Abstract The authority of political leaders in Bangladesh rests on diverse qualities, not least of which are the muscle and finance they can mobilize, and the relationships they can craft with senior party members. These are utilized to confront rivals both within and outside their own party. In some instances, the intensity of intra-party competition can be so severe that a further quality emerges: the capacity to find allies among enemies. Building local inter-party alliances can bolster the authority of politicians, yet be to the detriment of party coherence. This argument is developed through an analysis of mayoral and parliamentary elections held in the past decade in a small Bangladeshi city, where a ruling party member of parliament (MP) and opposition mayor appear to have developed such a relationship. This has thwarted the electoral ambitions of their fellow party members and has posed a serious challenge to party discipline. While political competition is often seen as being either inter- or intra-party, here it is focused around inter-party alliances. This portrayal suggests we need to give greater emphasis to the decentralized and local character that political authority can take in Bangladesh.

Does Economic Growth Pay Political Dividends in India?

The Indian Economic Journal ◽

10.1177/0019466220941429 ◽

2019 ◽

Vol 67 (1-2) ◽

pp. 166-169

Author(s):

Vasant V. Bang ◽

Alok Kumar Mishra

Keyword(s):

Economic Growth ◽

Growth Rates ◽

Regression Equations ◽

Economic Policies ◽

Growth Data ◽

Parliamentary Elections ◽

Independent Variables ◽

Economic Development And Growth ◽

Bharatiya Janata Party ◽

Ruling Party

Since independence in 1947, India has witnessed several changes in economic policies of governments. Economic reforms were started in India in 1984 and were accelerated later in 1991. It is believed that Bharatiya Janata Party won the 2014 parliamentary elections on the promise of economic development and growth. In this article, an attempt has been made to investigate the link between economic and electoral performances in Indian elections. The data for 1951–2014 period has been analysed by establishing regression equations using vote percentage received by a ruling party as dependent variable and sectoral economic growth during the ruling tenure as independent variables. Comparisons have been made between the pre- and post-1984 eras. An important contribution of this article is that it highlights the fact that electoral performances can be better explained using sectoral growth data as compared to overall GDP growth rates. The article also highlights a significant role played by volatility in growth rates.

Rwandan election euphoria masks democratic malaise

Emerald Expert Briefings ◽

10.1108/oxan-db238445 ◽

2018 ◽

Keyword(s):

Great Lakes ◽

Electoral System ◽

Great Lakes Region ◽

Internal Security ◽

Content Type ◽

Parliamentary Elections ◽

Positive View ◽

Election System ◽

Progressive Force ◽

Ruling Party

Subject Rwanda's electoral system Significance September’s parliamentary elections delivered a comfortable victory for President Paul Kagame’s ruling Rwanda Patriotic Front (RPF) and its allies, as well as the first seats in parliament for the country’s only registered opposition party. The peaceful and well-managed polls were hailed by international observers as a sign of democratic progress. However, this positive view obscures the extent to which the election system only reinforces ruling party supremacy. Impacts Rwanda will extend its international outreach, including efforts to improve difficult relationships such as with France. Rwanda’s desire to portray itself as a progressive force will also underpin its drive to become a major ICT hub. Insecurity and tense relations in the Great Lakes region will pose a persistent threat to Rwanda’s internal security.

THE METAMORPHOSIS OF THE EGYPTIAN MUSLIM BROTHERS

International Journal of Middle East Studies ◽

10.1017/s0020743805052128 ◽

2005 ◽

Vol 37 (3) ◽

pp. 373-395 ◽

Cited By ~ 90

Author(s):

Mona El-Ghobashy

Keyword(s):

The State ◽

Living Room ◽

Security Force ◽

Court Ruling ◽

Plant Leaves ◽

Parliamentary Elections ◽

Ruling Party ◽

Muslim Brothers

Jihane al-Halafawi's small apartment above a barbershop in Alexandria is exceedingly orderly, a cool oasis on a sweltering summer afternoon. Plant leaves brush up against curtains undulating with the breeze from the nearby Mediterranean. As she walks into the living room with a tray full of cakes and tea, al-Halafawi is the picture of a kindly Egyptian mother, a genuine smile gracing her youthful face. But when this fifty-year-old mother of six and grandmother announced her candidacy for Egypt's parliamentary elections in fall 2000, the state geared up a massive security force outside polling stations; leftists shrugged her off as a “front” for her husband; and state feminists dedicated to the electoral empowerment of women were silent. When Halafawi outperformed her ruling-party rival in the first round, despite rigging, the Interior Ministry promptly stepped in and canceled the results on the pretext of respecting an earlier court ruling postponing the elections.

AUTHORITARIANISM AND COGNITIVE POLITICAL INVOLVEMENT

Primenjena psihologija ◽

10.19090/pp.2017.4.521-540 ◽

2018 ◽

Vol 10 (4) ◽

pp. 521

Author(s):

Zoran Pavlović ◽

Bojan Todosijević

Keyword(s):

Political Knowledge ◽

Demographic Variables ◽

Political Interest ◽

General Interest ◽

Opinion Survey ◽

Authoritarian Personality ◽

Parliamentary Elections ◽

New Information ◽

The World ◽

Voting Age

This study analyses the linkage between authoritarianism and three indicators that describe one’s general cognitive orientation towards the world of politics: political knowledge, general interest in politics, and interest in the election campaign. Individuals high in authoritarianism are hypothesized to be less politically competent and less interested in politics, due to their resistance to adopting new information and to changing the adopted beliefs. This hypothesis is based on the classical description of the authoritarian personality, but it has not been adequately empirically verified yet. The data are taken from a post-election public opinion survey conducted in 2012 after the presidential and parliamentary elections, on a random sample of voting age citizens of Serbia (N = 1568). The results show that authoritarianism and the level of political knowledge are significantly and negatively correlated, even after controlling for the basic socio-demographic variables. The intensity of political interest is not significantly correlated with authoritarianism. Additional comparison of the misinformed and uninformed groups (those who provided incorrect answers, and those who answered “don't know”, respectively) did not support the view that authoritarian persons are more inclined to erroneously guess an answer than to simply say “don’t know”. The study concludes that the association between political knowledge and authoritarianism is based on deeper psychological roots, while the (lack of) association with political interest is likely to be context-dependent.

Wybory parlamentarne w Serbii w 2020 roku – szczyt dominacji politycznej Serbskiej Partii Postępowej?

Politeja ◽

10.12797/politeja.18.2021.74.22 ◽

2021 ◽

Vol 18 (5(74)) ◽

pp. 377-400

Author(s):

Wiktor Hebda

Keyword(s):

Public Support ◽

The State ◽

State Of Emergency ◽

Parliamentary Elections ◽

Global Problem ◽

Clear Signal ◽

Political Conditions ◽

Progressive Party ◽

Important State ◽

Ruling Party

Serbia’s Parliamentary Elections in 2020: The Peak of Political Domination of the Serbian Progressive Party? The Serbian parliamentary elections in 2020 were not groundbreaking in political terms, but their results directly determine the immediate future of Serbs. Taking into account the current geopolitical situation in Serbia, it should be emphasized that the next four years may prove critical for the international position of this country. The elections on June 21 were special due to the circumstances in which they were held. Among them, the global problem should be mentioned – the coronavirus pandemic, which paralyzed the functioning of many countries, including Serbia. The second important factor relates to the largest anti-government protests since 2000, which began in late 2018 and lasted until the state of emergency declaration due to the threat of COVID-19. The results of the parliamentary elections in 2020 should be interpreted as the strengthening of the Serbian Progressive Party and its leader Aleksandar Vučić. Moreover, it is a clear signal that the opposition still do not have adequate public support to compete effectively with the ruling party. Nowadays, there are no political conditions for an alternation of power in Serbia. Following the impressive victory in the parliamentary elections, the Serbian Progressive Party may continue the process of increasing influence in the most important state organs.

South Korea's leader may be less secure than he looks

Emerald Expert Briefings ◽

10.1108/oxan-db235634 ◽

2018 ◽

Keyword(s):

Democratic Party ◽

Local Elections ◽

Short Term ◽

Content Type ◽

National Assembly ◽

Parliamentary Elections ◽

South Korean ◽

Approval Rating ◽

Left And Right ◽

Ruling Party

Subject The strengths and weaknesses of South Korea's president and ruling party. Significance President Moon Jae-in's approval rating was 79% as of June 14, a record for any South Korean president after a year in office. His left-of-centre ruling Democratic Party (DP) won an unprecedented landslide in nationwide local elections on June 13; it now runs 14 of the 17 provinces and major cities. The party also won eleven of twelve National Assembly by-elections, gaining eight. He now faces no electoral tests until the next parliamentary elections, due in April 2020. Impacts Political party regroupings are likely, with possible mergers consolidating both the left and right. The short-term prospects for inter-Korean engagement appear good. The main risks regarding North Korea are US President Donald Trump’s unpredictability and uncertainty over Pyongyang's ultimate aims.

Turkey in Light of the Double Parliamentary Elections 2015

World Economy and International Relations ◽

10.20542/0131-2227-2016-60-5-84-94 ◽

2016 ◽

Vol 60 (5) ◽

pp. 84-94

Author(s):

N. Ul'chenko

Keyword(s):

Economic Growth ◽

Democratic Party ◽

Foreign Direct Investments ◽

Civilian Control ◽

Middle Income ◽

Party Government ◽

Parliamentary Elections ◽

Political Processes ◽

The Status ◽

Ruling Party

The article investigates the main achievements and failures in Turkey’s economic and social development during the period of the Justice and Development Party (JDP) in power (since 2002). The major successes of the JDP government are related to attainment of financial and economic stability, which created a base for sustainable economic growth with the help of the increasing inflow of foreign direct investments. At the same time, the social policy of the state has become more active, including noticeable achievements in solving the housing problem. Certain positive developments were attained in the democratization process, particularly in expanding civilian control over the military elites and reducing the likelihood of military involvement in domestic political processes, as well as in terms of ethnic minorities rights recognition (primarily of Kurds). As for negative trends during the JDP period, they refer to the so called majoritarian understanding of democracy with an inevitable emergence of new social strata excluded from the official system of interest groups. This has ultimately led to the restriction of identification possibilities for secular segments of the population, who share classical values of Turkish republicanism and secularism. Such understanding of democracy has inavoidably resulted in establishing of control over media, restrictions on the freedom of speech, growth of intolerance towards the opposition, politicization of the judicial system, etc. The article also discusses tactical moves, to which the JDP elite and the President of Turkey R.T. Erdogan (who has close ties with the ruling party) have resorted in order to ensure the party's victory in the early parliamentary elections of November 2015. They took place once, prior to the June elections where JDP failed to win the majority required for forming a single-party government. Essentially, a hostage to the JDP's victory was the Kurdish problem, on which JDP had to radicalize its positions in order to get back the voices of nationalist-minded voters and, at the same time, to reduce popularity of the Pro-Kurdish Peoples' Democratic Party – another competitor for electorate. But, as a result, the split between political groups in the country over disagreements on the question of democratic freedoms was supplemented by the rift between national groups. The economic situation in Turkey is also not stable enough, because its economic prosperity relied heavily on active use of external financing. The decrease in its availability due to changes in the international financial market actualizes the threat of falling into a so called middle income trap with long period of low economic growth. Therefore, although JDP had managed to re-obtain the status of a ruling party, the price of victory is high: the country and its government will have to face a number of challenges and serious problems in the economy, internal and foreign policy. The lack of capability to find a constructive response to them can lead to radicalization in the nature of political power in Turkey.

Election boycott in a hybrid regime: The case of 2020 parliamentary elections in Serbia

New Perspectives ◽

10.1177/2336825x211009106 ◽

2021 ◽

pp. 2336825X2110091

Author(s):

Dejan Bursać ◽

Dušan Vučićević

Keyword(s):

Hybrid Regimes ◽

Negative Effects ◽

Short Term ◽

Parliamentary Elections ◽

Election Results ◽

Hybrid Regime ◽

Progressive Party ◽

Ruling Party ◽

Short Term Effects

The 2020 elections in Serbia were held on 21st of June, as the first elections in Europe since the outbreak of coronavirus pandemic. The pre-electoral period was marked by the announcement of boycott from opposition, followed by a number of attempts of ruling party to mitigate the potential negative effects. The decision of opposition to restrain from participation came as a response to the long-term accusations of heavily biased electoral and media conditions, which culminated in EU-mediated (but largely unsuccessful) roundtable talks in 2019. On a larger scale, the administration headed by the President Aleksandar Vučić is becoming increasingly authoritarian, with several indices now classifying Serbia as a hybrid regime. As expected, the elections brought a convincing victory to Vučić’s Serbian Progressive Party, which won 188 out of 250 seats. Despite the overwhelming triumph, government was formed more than four months later. This paper is contributing to the literature on actors’ strategies in hybrid regimes. Although only short-term effects of the boycott could be assessed, the 2020 elections in Serbia demonstrate that legitimacy of the regime cannot be endangered if the opposition is not supported by international actors, and moreover, that the election results have only strengthened the regime.

Károly Grósz: the Main Priorities of the Policy of Reforms (1987-1989)

Problems of World History ◽

10.46869/2707-6776-2018-6-9 ◽

2018 ◽

pp. 118-131

Author(s):

I. Pendzey

Keyword(s):

World View ◽

Economic Reforms ◽

Parliamentary Democracy ◽

Parliamentary Elections ◽

Balanced Assessment ◽

Actual Change ◽

The Government ◽

Key Indicators ◽

Ruling Party

The socio-economic reforms of the government of Károly Grósz, his activities as secretary general of the Communist Party, are analyzed. The peculiarities of the world-view vision of the Hungarian “young reformers” of the urgent problems of social development of the country and the ways of their solution proposed by them are revealed. Sharing the prevalent in Hungarian and Russian historiography of critical perception of K. Grósz’s work at the highest state and party posts, an attempt is made to give a more balanced assessment of his role in the country’s transition to a new social and political phenomenon – multiparty, parliamentary democracy, human rights, that is, the actual change of system. The article illustrates the international activity of K. Grósz, estimates of his reforms by M. Gorbachev and R. Reagan. K. Grósz’s activities are characterized by the deterioration of key indicators of the country’s development, the crisis of one-party socialism, and international challenges. Considerable attention is paid to the characterization of the process of the ideological and organizational breakdown in the ruling party, the activities of radical reformist forces, which were grouped around I. Pozsgay, clarifying the circumstances of reducing the influence of “young reformers” and removing K. Grósz from politics. He failed to overcome the inheritance of the errors of the HSWP, defending it in renewed clothes, not supported by the Hungarians in the 1990 parliamentary elections.