scholarly journals Implikasi Pelaksanaan Pemilihan Kepala Daerah (Pilkada) secara Serentak terhadap Aspek Sosial, Politik dan Ekonomi

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Achmad Zulfikar ◽  
Baharuddin Nur

Pemilihan Kepala Daerah (Pilkada) adalah antitesa dari pengangkatan kepala daerah yang telah berlangsung cukup lama, setidaknya hampir seusia dengan orde lama ditambah orde baru atau sekitar 50 tahun dari 70 tahun usia pemerintahan kita. Diangkat dan dipilih adalah dua hal yang berbeda. Dipilih tentu saja lebih demokratis daripada diangkat. Dipilih merupakan hasil dari sejumlah alternatif, sementara diangkat lebih terkesan suatu pilihan yang datang dari atas (top down). Pilkada merupakan sistem yang dibangun oleh pemerintah untuk memastikan Kepala Daerah berasal dari pilihan rakyat, bukan penunjukan dari pejabat atau kekuasaan diatasnya. Lazimnya, Pilkada berlangsung sesuai dengan penanggalan kegiatan politik setiap daerah, dimana batas masa tugas lima tahun dijadikan sebagai patokan untuk dilaksanakannya Pilkada lagi. Namun pada 9 Desember 2015 ini penanggalan itu mengalami perubahan atas dasar pertimbangan efisiensi dan efektivitas pelaksanaan Pilkada ke depan. Oleh karenanya, Pilkada yang akan berlangsungi di Indonesia ini merupakan pesta demokrasi terbesar yang pernah dilakukan di negeri ini, bahkan di dunia. Dalam makalah ini, penulis tertantang untuk menelaah bagaimana kemungkinan yang akan timbul sebagai implikasi Pilkada serentak ini terhadap aspek sosial, politik dan ekonomi masyarakat di Indonesia.---Local election / regional head election is antithesis of appointment of region head which have lasted long enough, at least almost as old with Old Order Era plus with New Order Era or about 50 year from 70 year old of Indonesian was established. Appointment and election are two different things. Elected is certainly more democratic than appointed. Elected is the result of a number of alternatives, while being lifted is more impressed with a choice that comes from the top. Local election is a system built by the government to ensure the Regional Head comes from the people's choice, not the appointment of officials or powers above it. Typically, elections take place in accordance with the political activities of each region, where the five-year term is used as a benchmark for the implementation of re-elections. However, on December 9, 2015 this calendar has changed based on the consideration of efficiency and effectiveness of Local election implementation in the future. Therefore, the elections that will take place in Indonesia is the biggest democracy party ever conducted in this country, even in the world. In this paper, the authors challenged to examine how the possibilities would arise as the implications of this Local concurrent election on the social, political and economic aspects of society in Indonesia.

2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 183
Author(s):  
As’ad Muzammil

Map of political Islam in Indonesia is always colored by the government political map. From the pre-independence era, the post-independence (old order), the new order and the reform era. Islamic education is still in a position that is generally not in favor of the empowerment of the people. Education is a tool for which the government used it to escort people and people to the desired political objectives, theoretically it is not wrong if the government wants the product graduate of educational institutions contribute to development. But at the same time the government should also give freedom to the world of education to determine its direction with permanent gets assistance, support, and facilitation from the government.


2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Gili Argenti

In the New Order era (Orde Baru), the end of the 1970s until the early 1990s, the student movement is faced with repressive measures, a policy of limiting the political activities of students applied, then the search for a new format motion is a must. The study group is an option to avoid the political power. In the expansion, the study group turns into a political party, the People’s Democratic Party (PRD). The emergence of the PRD as an opposition party to the New Order Indonesian political public attention, because of their political program is so radical. Also, the communist stigma attached by the government to the party’s young people reap the reaction of pro and cons in the community. After the collapse of the New Order, PRD became an electoral party but failed to reap the support of voters. This paper describes the process of changing the format of the student movement of the 1990s, from the study group into action committees, later became a political party, in this paper also described the political progress of PRD in the reform era. 


2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 214-227
Author(s):  
Supandi Supandi

For about 15 centuries ago, Islamic history has portrayed the face of the true condition of Islamic education, not only describes the reality of past events, but also serves as a guide for the next generation, in order to make a better footing. Basically, with the coming of Islam in this archipelago, because one of them through education, beside through trade and marriage. The role and gait of Islamic education in seizing and uniting the archipelago into a country that is currently called Indonesia of course very much. Thus, in this paper, the author reveals a bit about the history of Islamic education in the old order, the new order and even during the current order of reform. The state has enormous power in governing and running the wheels of government, including in the world of Islamic education, so, the condition of Islamic education from the time of kemasanya have position and even a very different portion of the government which then has implications for the implementation of Islamic education.


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 129-137
Author(s):  
Ema Zuliyani Sembada ◽  
MAharani Intan Andalas

ABSTRAK Realitas sosial tidak hanya terjadi di dunia nyata, tetapi juga tergambar dalam karya sastra. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui realitas sosial dalam novel Laut Bercerita karya Leila S. Chudori dan mengetahui pandangan dunia pengarang dalam novel mengenai realitas sosial yang dikaji melalui analisis strukturalisme genetik. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode pendekatan kualitatif dengan metode dialektik dari Lucien Goldmann. Dari hasil penelitian, ditemukan realitas sosial dalam novel melalui hubungan antartokoh dalam novel serta hubungan tokoh dengan objek yang ada di sekitarnya. Selain itu, terdapat fakta yang berkait dengan realitas sosial dalam novel. Pandangan dunia yang ditemukan dalam novel tersebut yaitu, pengarang menentang keotoriteran rezim Orde Baru yang sewenang-wenang, mengecam penghilangan paksa dan mendukung HAM, serta mengkritik pemerintah yang lambat dalam menyelesaikan kasus hilangnya aktivis. Kata kunci: realitas, sosial, strukturalisme genetik, Laut Bercerita ABSTRACT Social reality does not only occur in the real world, but also illustrated in literature. This study aims to determine the social reality in the novel Laut Bercerita by Leila S. Chudori and find out the world view of the author in the novel regarding the social reality studied through analysis of genetic structuralism. This study uses a qualitative approach with the dialectical method of Lucien Goldmann. From the results of the study, found social reality in the novel through interpersonal relationships in the novel and the relationship of characters to the objects around them. In addition, there are facts that relate to social reality in the novel. The world view found in the novel, namely, the author opposed the arbitrary authorization of the New Order regime, condemned enforced disappearances and supported human rights, and criticized the government which was slow in resolving cases of activist disappearances. Keywords: reality, social, genetic structuralism, Laut Bercerita


Author(s):  
Supandi Supandi

For about 15 centuries ago, Islamic history has portrayed the face of the true condition of Islamic education, not only describes the reality of past events, but also serves as a guide for the next generation, in order to make a better footing. Basically, with the coming of Islam in this archipelago, because one of them through education, beside through trade and marriage. The role and gait of Islamic education in seizing and uniting the archipelago into a country that is currently called Indonesia of course very much. Thus, in this paper, the author reveals a bit about the history of Islamic education in the old order, the new order and even during the current order of reform. The state has enormous power in governing and running the wheels of government, including in the world of Islamic education, so, the condition of Islamic education from the time of kemasanya have position and even a very different portion of the government which then has implications for the implementation of Islamic education.


1959 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 51-79
Author(s):  
K. Edwards

During the last twenty or twenty-five years medieval historians have been much interested in the composition of the English episcopate. A number of studies of it have been published on periods ranging from the eleventh to the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. A further paper might well seem superfluous. My reason for offering one is that most previous writers have concentrated on analysing the professional circles from which the bishops were drawn, and suggesting the influences which their early careers as royal clerks, university masters and students, secular or regular clergy, may have had on their later work as bishops. They have shown comparatively little interest in their social background and provenance, except for those bishops who belonged to magnate families. Some years ago, when working on the political activities of Edward II's bishops, it seemed to me that social origins, family connexions and provenance might in a number of cases have had at least as much influence on a bishop's attitude to politics as his early career. I there fore collected information about the origins and provenance of these bishops. I now think that a rather more careful and complete study of this subject might throw further light not only on the political history of the reign, but on other problems connected with the character and work of the English episcopate. There is a general impression that in England in the later middle ages the bishops' ties with their dioceses were becoming less close, and that they were normally spending less time in diocesan work than their predecessors in the thirteenth century.


2006 ◽  
pp. 54-75
Author(s):  
Klaus Peter Friedrich

Facing the decisive struggle between Nazism and Soviet communism for dominance in Europe, in 1942/43 Polish communists sojourning in the USSR espoused anti-German concepts of the political right. Their aim was an ethnic Polish ‘national communism’. Meanwhile, the Polish Workers’ Party in the occupied country advocated a maximum intensification of civilian resistance and partisan struggle. In this context, commentaries on the Nazi judeocide were an important element in their endeavors to influence the prevailing mood in the country: The underground communist press often pointed to the fate of the murdered Jews as a warning in order to make it clear to the Polish population where a deficient lack of resistance could lead. However, an agreed, unconditional Polish and Jewish armed resistance did not come about. At the same time, the communist press constantly expanded its demagogic confrontation with Polish “reactionaries” and accused them of shared responsibility for the Nazi murder of the Jews, while the Polish government (in London) was attacked for its failure. This antagonism was intensified in the fierce dispute between the Polish and Soviet governments after the rift which followed revelations about the Katyn massacre. Now the communist propaganda image of the enemy came to the fore in respect to the government and its representatives in occupied Poland. It viewed the government-in-exile as being allied with the “reactionaries,” indifferent to the murder of the Jews, and thus acting ultimately on behalf of Nazi German policy. The communists denounced the real and supposed antisemitism of their adversaries more and more bluntly. In view of their political isolation, they coupled them together, in an undifferentiated manner, extending from the right-wing radical ONR to the social democrats and the other parties represented in the underground parliament loyal to the London based Polish government. Thereby communist propaganda tried to discredit their opponents and to justify the need for a new start in a post-war Poland whose fate should be shaped by the revolutionary left. They were thus paving the way for the ultimate communist takeover


Author(s):  
Hallie M. Franks

In the Greek Classical period, the symposium—the social gathering at which male citizens gathered to drink wine and engage in conversation—was held in a room called the andron. From couches set up around the perimeter of the andron, symposiasts looked inward to the room’s center, which often was decorated with a pebble mosaic floor. These mosaics provided visual treats for the guests, presenting them with images of mythological scenes, exotic flora, dangerous beasts, hunting parties, or the specter of Dionysos, the god of wine, riding in his chariot or on the back of a panther. This book takes as its subject these mosaics and the context of their viewing. Relying on discourses in the sociology and anthropology of space, it argues that the andron’s mosaic imagery actively contributed to a complex, metaphorical experience of the symposium. In combination with the ritualized circling of the wine cup from couch to couch around the room and the physiological reaction to wine, the images of mosaic floors called to mind other images, spaces, or experiences, and, in doing so, prompted drinkers to reimagine the symposium as another kind of event—a nautical voyage, a journey to a foreign land, the circling heavens or a choral dance, or the luxury of an abundant past. Such spatial metaphors helped to forge the intimate bonds of friendship that are the ideal result of the symposium and that make up the political and social fabric of the Greek polis.


2021 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-139
Author(s):  
Jean Guillaume Forand ◽  
Gergely Ujhelyi

Many countries place restrictions on the political rights of government workers. This includes limitations on political activities such as taking an active part in political campaigns. Are such restrictions desirable? We present a formal welfare analysis of this question. Bureaucrats’ political activities affect voter perceptions of the government and this can have informational benefits. However, they can also induce policy mistakes and are susceptible to ‘noise’ from some bureaucrats’ innate desire for political expression. When politicians have limited control over bureaucrats and successfully coordinate with voters, bureaucrats’ political activities can be desirable. In most cases, however, banning political activities is optimal.


Author(s):  
Manzoor Naazer ◽  
Amna Mahmood ◽  
Shughla Ashfaq

The paper scrutinizes the political rights situation during the first five years (1999-2004) of Pervaiz Musharraf era. Musharraf had come into power after army had revolted over his dismissal as army chief by the prime minister. He strove to project soft image of his government to get legitimacy within the country and recognition from the outside world, particularly the West. He portrayed himself as a liberal leader and later also propagated his idea of “enlightened moderation” as a panacea for the miseries of the Muslim world. Despite his overtures, the political rights situation became bleak during his military rule and no meaningful change took place even during the first two years after country returned to “democratic rule.” Musharraf government denied people of their political rights to prolong his authoritarian rule. His rule was characterized by: arbitrary arrests and imprisonments of political leaders; repression of political activities; imposition of forced exile; political victimization in the name of accountability; attacks on rights to elect the government; military’s direct grip over affairs of state despite transition to the civilian rule; intimidation of opposition over legal framework order; and limitations on freedom of association.


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