scholarly journals If It Walks Like Systematic Exclusion and Quacks Like Systematic Exclusion: Follow-Up on Removal of Women and African-Americans in Jury Selection in South Carolina Capital Cases, 1997-2014

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ann M. Eisenberg ◽  
Amelia C. Hritz ◽  
Caisa E. Royer ◽  
John H. Blume
Keyword(s):  
South Carolina ◽  
African American ◽  
African Americans ◽  
Death Penalty ◽  
Research Question ◽  
Jury Selection ◽  
Original Research ◽  
Combined Effects ◽  
Capital Cases ◽  
Two Stages

68 South Carolina Law Review 373 (2017)This Article builds on an earlier study analyzing bases and rates of removal of women and African-American jurors in a set of South Carolina capital cases decided between 1997 and 2012. We examine and assess additional data from new perspectives in order to establish a more robust, statistically strengthened response to the original research question: whether, and if so, why, prospective women and African-American jurors were disproportionately removed in different stages of jury selection in a set of South Carolina capital cases.The study and the article it builds on add to decades of empirical research exploring the impacts (or lack thereof) of Batson and related jurisprudence on jury selection practices. The findings from the earlier study persisted with the stronger dataset in this study and are consistent with many previous studies’ findings indicating that capital jury selection procedures serve to systematically siphon off women and African-Americans through the death-qualification process and peremptory strikes.Key findings in the earlier study included that the prosecution struck 35% of strike-eligible black potential jurors, accounting for removing 15% of black venire members; that approximately 32% of black venire members were removed for opposition to the death penalty; and that the combined effects of these two stages prevented a total of 47% of black venire members from serving, compared to those stages preventing a combined 16% of the white venire pool from serving. Those findings have for the most part persisted with the stronger dataset here, with slight variations. Here, the prosecution struck 29% of strike-eligible black potential jurors (the average of a 33% strike rate for black men and 25% for black women), accounting for removing 13% of black venire members; approximately 24% of black venire members were removed for opposition to the death penalty; and the combined effects of these two stages prevented a total of 42% of black venire members from serving. This is compared to the prosecution striking 12.5% of strike-eligible white potential jurors, which equates to about 7% of the overall white venire pool; and 6.2% of white potential jurors being removed for anti-death views, with the two stages preventing, combined, an approximate 13% of white venire members from serving.

“Benefit of the Doubt”: African-American Civil War Veterans and Pensions

2008 ◽  
Vol 38 (3) ◽  
pp. 377-399 ◽  
Author(s):  
Larry M. Logue ◽  
Peter Blanck
Keyword(s):  
African American ◽  
Civil War ◽  
African Americans ◽  
Pension System ◽  
American Civil War ◽  
Early Years ◽  
Union Army ◽  
War Veterans ◽  
Pension Income ◽  
Two Stages

Laws that provided pensions for Union army veterans were putatively color-blind, but whites and African Americans experienced the pension system differently. Black veterans were less likely to apply for pensions during the program's early years. Yet, no matter when they applied, they encountered two stages of bias, first from examining physicians and then, far more systematically, from Pension Bureau reviewers. The evidence suggests that pension income reduced mortality among African-American veterans, underscoring the tangible results of justice denied.

scholarly journals Disparities Research at the Deep South Alzheimer’s Disease Center of the University of Alabama at Birmingham

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (Supplement_1) ◽  
pp. 100-100
Author(s):  
Maria Pisu ◽  
David Geldmacher
Keyword(s):  
Alzheimer’S Disease ◽  
Alzheimer's Disease ◽  
South Carolina ◽  
African American ◽  
African Americans ◽  
Deep South ◽  
Medicare Beneficiaries ◽  
University Of Alabama ◽  
The Us ◽  
The University

Abstract Residents of the US Deep South (Alabama, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, and South Carolina) have a 20–30% higher risk of developing Alzheimer’s disease or related dementia (ADRD). Moreover, >20% of African Americans, who are at higher ADRD risk than whites, live in this region. Therefore, one important goals of the Deep South Alzheimer’s Disease Center (DS-ADC) of the University of Alabama at Birmingham is to spearhead research to address these disparities. This panel presents current DS-ADC research, with two presentations focusing on the local patient population and the last two on the Deep South population compared to the rest of the nation. Addressing the challenge of recruiting representative samples in clinical research, the first paper is part of a research program to understand difference that may exist between African American and white research participants. The second paper examines patients with multiple conditions, in particular dementia and cancer, showing a marked disadvantage in cognition outcomes for African Americans. The next two papers take a broader perspective to better understand the population of older adults with ADRD in the Deep South and in the rest of the US. The third paper examines socioeconomic and medical contexts of African American and white older Medicare beneficiaries with ADRD, and the fourth paper examines differences in utilization of specialists, ADRD drugs, and hospitalizations in the two regions taking these contexts into account. The discussant will close the session by placing these studies in the larger context of the disparities research at the DS-ADC.

The Making of the Modern Death Penalty in Jim Crow North Carolina

2019 ◽  
pp. 192-214
Author(s):  
Seth Kotch
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
North Carolina ◽  
African American ◽  
African Americans ◽  
Public Space ◽  
Death Penalty ◽  
Jim Crow ◽  
The State ◽  
Religious Convictions ◽  
The Impact

focuses on the transition from local public hangings to state-controlled electrocutions in North Carolina in the early twentieth century. The chapter addresses the impact of this shift on African American communities. Although the death penalty had long served as an instrument of racial control, the ritual of a local hanging nevertheless had allowed the condemned and black witnesses a public space to express religious convictions and honor the condemned’s suffering. Once the state seized control of this ritual, African Americans were largely excluded as witnesses. The modern death penalty thus came to represent the racial subjugation of Jim Crow, indeed having more in common with lynchings than legal hangings had.

A Mixed-Method Feasibility Study of Breastfeeding Attitudes among Southern African Americans

2021 ◽  
pp. 019394592110454
Author(s):  
Tisha M. Felder ◽  
Ebru Cayir ◽  
Chigozie A. Nkwonta ◽  
Curisa M. Tucker ◽  
Eboni H. Harris ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
South Carolina ◽  
African American ◽  
African Americans ◽  
Phase I ◽  
African American Women ◽  
Phase Ii ◽  
Attitude Scale ◽  
Phase Iii ◽  
Future Research ◽  
American Women

We assessed the feasibility and acceptability of examining breast/chest feeding attitudes among African Americans in South Carolina using an explanatory sequential, mixed methods approach. We surveyed 50 pregnant African American women during their ob-gyn appointment (Phase I), followed by qualitative interviews with four African American couples ( N = 8) (Phase II), and integrating quantitative–qualitative data through joint display (Phase III). Phase I supported the feasibility of recruiting pregnant African American women for our study. However, for Phase II, more research is needed to support the feasibility of recruiting couples from the quantitative phase. The Iowa Infant Feeding Attitude Scale demonstrated moderate reliability (α = 0.68). Participants intending to exclusively breastfeed ( M = 65, SD = 5.79) had higher scores than those intending to exclusively use formula ( M = 50, SD = 4.37, p < .001). The six qualitative themes (Phase II) and data integration (Phase III) identified cultural considerations for future research.

“Dixie Carmen”: War, Race, and Identity in Oscar Hammerstein's Carmen Jones (1943)

2010 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 127-174 ◽  
Author(s):  
ANNEGRET FAUSER
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
South Carolina ◽  
African American ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
African Americans ◽  
The United States ◽  
Pearl Harbor ◽  
World War ◽  
Porgy And Bess ◽  
Night Club

AbstractIn December 1943, an all–African American cast starred in the Broadway premiere of Carmen Jones, Oscar Hammerstein II's adaptation of Georges Bizet's Carmen. When Hammerstein began work on Carmen Jones a month after Pearl Harbor, in January 1942, Porgy and Bess was just being revived. Hammerstein's 1942 version of Carmen, set in a Southern town and among African Americans, shows the influence of the revised version of Porgy and Bess, with Catfish Row echoed in a cigarette factory in South Carolina and the Hoity Toity night club. It took Hammerstein more than eighteen months to find a producer, and when the show opened by the end of 1943, the setting in a parachute factory and urban Chicago reflected new priorities brought on by wartime changes. Commercially one of the most successful musical plays on Broadway during its run of 503 performances, Carmen Jones offers a window on the changing issues of culture, class, and race in the United States during World War II. New archival evidence reveals that these topics were part of the work's genesis and production as much as of its reception. This article contextualizes Carmen Jones by focusing on the complex issues of war, race, and identity in the United States in 1942 and 1943.

scholarly journals The Pre-Furman Juvenile Death Penalty in South Carolina: Young Black Life Was Cheap

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sheri Lynn Johnson ◽  
John H. Blume ◽  
Hannah L. Freedman
Keyword(s):  
South Carolina ◽  
Death Penalty ◽  
Capital Punishment ◽  
Racial Disparity ◽  
Color Blindness ◽  
Combined Effects ◽  
Government Accounting ◽  
Willful Blindness ◽  
The Government ◽  
Black Life

68 South Carolina Law Review 331 (2017)Capital punishment in this country, and in South Carolina, has its roots in racial subjugation, stereotype, and animosity. The extreme disparities we report here have dampened due to the combined effects of decreasing levels of open racial antagonism, the reforms of the modem death penalty, including categorical exemptions for juveniles and person with intellectual disabilities and prohibition of the imposition of the death penalty for the crime of rape, and the (small) increase in diversity in capital juries. But dampened does not mean eradicated. Significant disparities in the administration of capital punishment persist today. The color of a defendant's skin (and the color of the victim's skin) are still the strongest predictors of whether capital punishment will be south and imposed. No less neutral an authority than the Government Accounting Office has concluded that in studies of capital punishment, findings of statistically significant racial disparity, particularly race of victim disparity, are ubiquitous. Similarly, while gross racial stereotyping and animosity is less common in modern death penalty cases, some instances still occur, and many, many cases involve only slightly disguised racism on the part of judges, jurors, prosecutors, and defense counsel.To imagine that a punishment whose history is so steeped in racism can ever be administered in a race neutral way is more than color blindness, and more than wishful thinking; it is willful blindness.

More Shadow than Substance

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Leah Wright Rigueur
Keyword(s):  
African American ◽  
African Americans ◽  
Substance P ◽  
National Committee ◽  
Party Leaders ◽  
Political Ideas ◽  
Black Republicans ◽  
State And Local ◽  
American Party ◽  
Local Party

This chapter studies how, as the 1970s progressed, black Republicans were able to claim clear victories in their march toward equality: the expansion of the National Black Republican Council (NBRC); the incorporation of African Americans into the Republican National Committee (RNC) hierarchy; scores of black Republicans integrating state and local party hierarchies; and individual examples of black Republican success. African American party leaders could even point to their ability to forge a consensus voice among the disparate political ideas of black Republicans. Despite their ideological differences, they collectively rejected white hierarchies of power, demanding change for blacks both within the Grand Old Party (GOP) and throughout the country. Nevertheless, black Republicans quickly realized that their strategy did not reform the party institution.

Reducing Police Brutality in African American Communities: Potential Roles for Social Workers in Congregations

2020 ◽  
Vol 47 (3) ◽  
pp. 66-84
Author(s):  
Betty Wilson ◽  
Terry A. Wolfer
Keyword(s):  
African American ◽  
African Americans ◽  
Social Workers ◽  
General Public ◽  
Public Awareness ◽  
Police Brutality ◽  
Religious Congregations ◽  
Predominantly Black ◽  
African American Communities ◽  
White Congregations

In the last decade, there have been a shocking number of police killings of unarmed African Americans, and advancements in technology have made these incidents more visible to the general public. The increasing public awareness of police brutality in African American communities creates a critical and urgent need to understand and improve police-community relationships. Congregational social workers (and other social workers who are part of religious congregations) have a potentially significant role in addressing the problem of police brutality. This manuscript explores and describes possible contributions by social workers, with differential consideration for those in predominantly Black or White congregations.

Emancipation and Free African Americans

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Archer
Keyword(s):  
African American ◽  
African Americans ◽  
New England ◽  
Rhode Island ◽  
New Hampshire ◽  
Jim Crow ◽  
African Descent ◽  
American Population ◽  
African American Population ◽  
Free African Americans

Except in parts of Rhode Island and Connecticut, slavery was a peripheral institution, and throughout New England during and after the Revolution there was widespread support to emancipate slaves. Some of the states enacted emancipation laws that theoretically allowed slavery to continue almost indefinitely, and slavery remained on the books as late as 1857 in New Hampshire. Although the laws gradually abolished slavery and although the pace was painfully slow for those still enslaved, the predominant dynamic for New England society was the sudden emergence of a substantial, free African American population. What developed was an even more virulent racism and a Jim Crow environment. The last part of the chapter is an analysis of where African Americans lived as of 1830 and the connection between racism and concentrations of people of African descent.

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