UKIP supporters and non-voters in England 2015: reactionism as pre-Brexit affective practice

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gavin Brent Sullivan
Keyword(s):  
Qualitative Interviews ◽  
Critical Role ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
Political Movements ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
Community Solidarity ◽  
And Performance ◽  
The Uk ◽  
The Eu

UKIP supporters and non-voters in England are often identified as groups that respectively participate in forms of engaged and disengaged “unhealthy” anti-political activity. The analysis draws upon recent complex emotion frameworks (e.g., resentment, ressentiment) that underpin the growth of right-wing political movements and parties and understand this development in terms of political reactionism rather than populism. I argue that the concept of affective practices can play a critical role in exploring how resentful affects are created, shared or suppressed and facilitated, mobilized or transformed; that is, not just through the influence and performance of anti-elite discourses but also as they are embodied and enacted in a wide range of everyday actions and opportunities to “sediment” affect-laden political positions and identities. Data from qualitative interviews with UKIP voters and in-depth discussions with non-voters in 2015 after the UK Election were examined in order to answer the following research questions taking into account the different affect-laden and focused practices that afford and shape political reactionism in these two groups: what role do contrasting experiences of shame, loss and possible ressentiment play in relation to deliberative democratic opportunities (e.g., elections versus the EU Referendum) and what forms of “change backwards” do reactionists want to enact? Reflexive thematic analysis revealed heterogeneous non-voting and UKIP supporting stances while also demonstrating how most members of both groups came to anticipate a vote to leave the EU as a chance to address an ongoing lack of political efficacy and affective dilemmas of community solidarity and nationhood.

scholarly journals Political Reactionism as Affective Practice: UKIP Supporters and Non-Voters in Pre-Brexit England

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 260-273 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gavin Brent Sullivan
Keyword(s):  
Qualitative Interviews ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
Political Movements ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Collective Emotions ◽  
Political Views ◽  
Eu Referendum ◽  
The Uk ◽  
The Eu

United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP) supporters and non-voters in England participate respectively in forms of engaged and disengaged anti-political activity, but the role of individual, group-based, and collective emotions is still unclear. Drawing upon recent analyses of the complex emotional dynamics (e.g., <em>ressentiment</em>) underpinning the growth of right-wing populist political movements and support for parties such as UKIP, this analysis explores the affective features of reactionary political stances. The framework of affective practices is used to show how resentful affects are created, facilitated, and transformed in sharing or suppressing populist political views and practices; that is, populism is evident not only in the prevalence and influence of illiberal and anti-elite discourses but also should be explored as it is embodied and enacted in “past focused” and “change resistant” everyday actions and in relation to opportunities that “sediment” affect-laden political positions and identities. Reflexive thematic analysis of data from qualitative interviews with UKIP voters and non-voters (who both supported leaving the EU) in 2015 after the UK election but before the EU referendum vote showed that many participants: 1) shared “condensed” complaints about politics and enacted resentment towards politicians who did not listen to them, 2) oriented towards shameful and purportedly shameless racism about migrants, and 3) appeared to struggle with shame and humiliation attributed to the EU in a complex combination of transvaluation of the UK and freedom of movement, a nostalgic need for restoration of national pride, and endorsement of leaving the EU as a form of “change backwards.”

Facing forwards, looking backwards: Coming to terms with continuing uneven development in Europe

2017 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 138-141 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ray Hudson
Keyword(s):  
Global Economy ◽  
Well Being ◽  
Political Movements ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
The European Union ◽  
The North ◽  
Political Response ◽  
The Uk ◽  
North And South ◽  
The Eu

At a time of major changes in the geography of the global economy, and following the major financial and economic crises of 2007/2008, the European Union (EU) is marked by deepening uneven economic development, between and within the territories of its 28 (for now) member states. This is one expression of neo-liberalisation as the dominant political force in the EU, combined with deep austerity policies in response to the crises of 2007/2008. Within the Eurozone, a common currency without a common fiscal policy further intensified inequalities, especially between the economies of the north and south of the EU. These developments had profound political ramifications as the promise of increasing economic growth and material well-being has been rudely shattered for many people and unemployment, poverty and ill-being have burgeoned in many parts of the EU. The political response to this – in ways reminiscent of the 1930s – has been a resurgence of regressive virulent right-wing nationalisms, sometimes with fascistic tendencies, as people have come to see the EU, and neoliberal globalisation, as inimical to their interests. This tendency has been further intensified by inflows of migrants and refugees, many in response to neo-imperialist ventures in the Middle East. This is most starkly (so far) the case in the UK, leading to the British Exit from the European Community (BREXIT) vote to leave the EU. There are counter-tendencies, locally based political movements that espouse a more humane social democratic model of the EU, but there seems little chance of these cohering politically to challenge the dominant view.

The EU as an “enforcement patchwork”: the impact of national enforcement for compliance with EU water law in Spain and Britain

2013 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 331-353 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mónica García Quesada
Keyword(s):  
Waste Water Treatment ◽  
National Level ◽  
State Level ◽  
Detailed Examination ◽  
Deterrent Effect ◽  
Eu Law ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
The Uk ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The Eu

AbstractFailures of compliance with European Union (EU) directives have revealed the EU as a political system capable of enacting laws in a wide range of different policy areas, but facing difficulties to ensure their actual implementation. Although the EU relies on national enforcement agencies to ensure compliance with the EU legislation, there is scarce analysis of the differential deterrent effect of national enforcement in EU law compliance. This article examines the enforcement of an EU water directive, the Urban Waste Water Treatment Directive, in Spain and the UK. It focuses on the existing national sanctions for disciplining actors in charge of complying with EU requirements, and on the actual use of punitive sanctions. The analysis shows that a more comprehensive and active disciplinary regime at the national level contributes to explain a higher degree of compliance with EU law. The article calls for a detailed examination of the national administrative and criminal sanction system for a more comprehensive understanding of the incentives and disincentives to comply with EU law at the national state level.

scholarly journals Putting them on a strong spiritual path: Indigenous doulas responding to the needs of Indigenous mothers and communities

2021 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jaime Cidro ◽  
Caroline Doenmez ◽  
Stephanie Sinclair ◽  
Alexandra Nychuk ◽  
Larissa Wodtke ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Social Services ◽  
Post Partum ◽  
Qualitative Interviews ◽  
Critical Role ◽  
Community Needs ◽  
Cultural Aspects ◽  
Trauma Informed Care ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
Post Partum Period ◽  
The Right

Abstract Objective In the past few years, increasing numbers of Indigenous doula collectives have been forming across Canada. Indigenous doulas provide continuous, culturally appropriate support to Indigenous women during pregnancy, birth, and the post-partum period. This support is critical to counter systemic medical racism and socioeconomic barriers that Indigenous families disproportionately face. This paper analyzes interviews with members of five Indigenous doula collectives to demonstrate their shared challenges, strategies, and missions. Methods Qualitative interviews were conducted with members of five Indigenous doula collectives across Canada in 2020. Interviews were transcribed and returned to participants for their approval. Approved transcripts were then coded by all members of the research team to ascertain the dominant themes emerging across the interviews. Results Two prominent themes emerged in the interviews. The first theme is “Indigenous doulas responding to community needs.” Participants indicated that responding to community needs involves harm reduction and trauma-informed care, supporting cultural aspects of birthing and family, and helping clients navigate socioeconomic barriers. The second theme is “Indigenous doulas building connections with mothers.” Participants’ comments on providing care to mothers emphasize the importance of advocacy in healthcare systems, boosting their clients’ confidence and skills, and being the “right” doula for their clients. These two inter-related themes stem from Indigenous doulas’ efforts to counter dynamics in healthcare and social services that can be harmful to Indigenous families, while also integrating cultural teachings and practices. Conclusion This paper illustrates that Indigenous doula care responds to a wide range of issues that affect Indigenous women’s experiences of pregnancy, birth, and the post-partum period. Through building strong, trusting, and non-judgemental connections with mothers and responding to community needs, Indigenous doulas play a critical role in countering medical racism in hospital settings and advancing the resurgence of Indigenous birthing sovereignty.

scholarly journals Interview with Guido Rings: “We need intercultural solidarity if we want to survive and prosper in a world hit by ultranationalism”

2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 75
Author(s):  
Stephen Trinder
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
The Other ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
David Cameron ◽  
Far Right ◽  
High Profile ◽  
Vice Chair ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Executive Agency ◽  
The Eu

As a master’s and Ph.D. student at Anglia Ruskin University in 2011, I recall the central message in lectures given by my eventual Ph.D. supervisor Professor Guido Rings was that we cannot underestimate the enduring strength of the legacy of colonialism in Europe and its influence on shaping contemporary attitudes towards immigration. Indeed, as I was completing my studies, I became increasingly aware of the negative rhetoric towards migrants in politics and right-wing press. In an attempt to placate the far-right of his party and address a growing threat from the UK Independence Party (UKIP), a discourse of ‘othernising’ migrants on the basis of their supposed rejection of ‘Britishness’ from former UK Prime Minister David Cameron in particular caught my attention. The result of this was tightening of immigration regulations, which culminated of course in the now-infamous Brexit vote of 2016. Almost a decade after my graduation, Professor Rings is currently Vice Chair for the Research Executive Agency of the European Commission and continues to work at Anglia Ruskin University at the level of Ph.D. supervisor. He still publishes widely in the field of Migration Studies and his recent high-profile book The Other in Contemporary Migrant Cinema (Routledge, 2016) and editorships in the fields of culture and identity (iMex Interdisciplinario Mexico) argue for increased intercultural solidarity in Europe as well as a strengthening of supranational organizations like the EU and the UN to offset growing nationalism. I got in touch with Professor Rings to find out where he feels Europe stands today with regard to migration and get his comments on the continued rise of nationalism on the continent.

Living Cargo

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steven Blevins
Keyword(s):  
Black British ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
European Colonization ◽  
Colonial Archive ◽  
And Performance ◽  
David Dabydeen ◽  
Post War ◽  
Postcolonial Africa ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Dominant Narratives

Living Cargo offers a wide-ranging study of contemporary literatures, films, visual arts and performances by writers and artists who live and work in the UK but who also maintain strong ties to postcolonial Africa and the Caribbean. Grounded and theoretically nuanced, the book considers how contemporary black British writers and artists engage with the long history of European colonization, in particular the colonial archive, to reframe the dominant narratives of multi-cultural Britain that emerged in the post-war era. Surveying a wide range of contemporary literary, visual, and performance-based creative work, the book looks from works of fiction by Fred D’Aguiar, David Dabydeen, Bernardine Evaristo, Caryl Phillips, and Dorothea Smartt; works of film and video by Inge Blackman and Isaac Julien; and public art and gallery installations by Yinka Shonibare, Graham Mortimer Evelyn, and Hew Locke; to the bespoke style of fashion icon Ozwald Boateng.

scholarly journals Legal Policy of the European Union in the Sphere of Migration and the Significance of Its Citizens’ Security Sense for the Future

2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (4) ◽  
pp. 7-14
Author(s):  
Jacek Zieliński
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Policy Development ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Legal Policy ◽  
The Core ◽  
Community Solidarity ◽  
The Usa ◽  
Free Movement Of Persons ◽  
The Eu

The necessity of the single migration- and terrorism-related legal policy development within the European Union is undisputed. It may turn out, however, that measures taken would not bring any improvement unless the priorities within such values as equality, respect for diversity, free movement of persons, solidarity and citizens’ security are previously established, sometimes – with a new content. The Author takes the position that the values considered now to be the core of the EU existence and its key achievement can underpin its disintegration. The escalation of migration stimulates centrifugal destructive movements reflected in the increasing impact of the renationalisation philosophy of thinking about Europe on the Community solidarity, fossilisation of social moods and expectations, growing popularity of right-wing parties. All these, in consequence, foster the fossilisation and restrictiveness of law. It is related in part to the fear of globalisation and in part to the excessive regulations at the macro level, therefore to the breach of self-identification security that is getting more and more apparent nowadays. From that perspective, the separation of the contradictions that have arisen between the basic EU values as regards providing single legal policy in the migration area seems to be cognitively valuable. Another issue is to answer the question how this wave of refugees has escalated and whose interest is currently in the destabilisation of Europe. The question is all the more important that the refugees are not heading towards other culturally closer Islamic countries or the USA but the pillar-states of the EU. Vienotas ar migrāciju un terorismu saistītas tiesiskās politikas nepieciešamība Eiropas Savienībā ir neapstrīdama. Tomēr var izrādīties, ka veiktie pasākumi neradīs nekādu uzlabojumu, ja vien kā prioritātes netiks izvirzītas tādas vērtības kā vienlīdzība, cieņa pret dažādību, personu brīva pārvietošanās, solidaritāte un iedzīvotāju drošība, kas jau ir paredzētas, dažreiz – ar jaunu saturu. Autors pauž nostāju, ka vērtības, kas šobrīd ir ES pastāvēšanas kodols un tās galvenais sasniegums, var veicināt tās sabrukumu. Migrācijas eskalācija stimulē destruktīvas centrbēdzes kustības, kas atspoguļojas pieaugošā ietekmē uz renacionalizācijas filozofiju, domājot par Eiropas Kopienas solidaritāti, sociālo noskaņu un vēlmju fosilizāciju, labējo partiju pieaugošo popularitāti. Tas viss var veicināt likuma fosilizāciju un modifikāciju, turklāt tas daļēji ir saistīts ar bailēm no globalizācijas un ar pārmērīgajiem noteikumiem makrolīmenī, līdz ar to pārkāpjot pašidentifikācijas drošību. No šī viedokļa raugoties, pretrunu, kas radušās starp galvenajām ES pamatvērtībām un attiecībā uz vienotu tiesisku politiku migrācijas jomā, nodalīšana ir neapstrīdami nepieciešama. Vēl viens jautājums, kas prasa atbildi, ir: kādēļ šis bēgļu vilnis ir eskalējies un kā interesēs pašlaik notiek destabilizācija Eiropā? Un kāpēc bēgļi nedodas uz citām kultūras ziņā tuvākām islāma valstīm vai ASV, bet gan tieši uz Eiropu?

scholarly journals Mad Marx? Rethinking Emotions, Euroscepticism and Nationalism in the Populist Left

2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Emmy Eklundh
Keyword(s):  
European Integration ◽  
Political Community ◽  
Popular Sovereignty ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Analytical Tools ◽  
Key Terms ◽  
Jeremy Corbyn ◽  
The Eu

Much attention has been devoted to how right-wing populists in Europe challenge the consensus on the benefits of European integration, but left-wing resistance to the EU is less discussed. Existing analyses tend to distinguish between three constructions of political community: a postnational EU, the populist right invoking national sovereignty, and the populist left invoking popular sovereignty. However, empirical analyses struggle to find consensus on how left populists relate to the EU, and if they invoke claims to national or popular sovereignty. This article argues that this empirical impasse stems from that populism and Euroscepticism are performative categories and not simply analytical tools, and serve to produce exclusion. There are two dichotomies in this exclusionary frame: emotional populists/rational EU, and the postnational EU/nationalist populists. Through an analysis of Podemos in Spain and the UK Labour Party under Jeremy Corbyn, I show how the lines between the postnational EU, the national sovereign, and the popular sovereign are frailer than previously thought. The article concludes that these categories are less analytically astute than they are politically motivated, and analyses of the populist left in Europe must consider the performative dimension of its key terms.

Complete EU Law

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elspeth Berry ◽  
Matthew J. Homewood ◽  
Barbara Bogusz
Keyword(s):  
Legislative Process ◽  
Eu Law ◽  
Member States ◽  
National Courts ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
Free Movement Of Persons ◽  
State Liability ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Substantive Law ◽  
The Eu

Titles in the Complete series combine extracts from a wide range of primary materials with clear explanatory text to provide readers with a complete introductory resource. Complete EU Law combines extracts from leading cases and articles to take a fresh and modern look at the constitutional and substantive law of the EU. It starts by looking at the origins of EU integration and more recent developments such as the implications of the UK ‘Brexit’ vote. It then examines the role of EU institutions within the legislative process, and the sources of EU law. Next, it explores the relationship between the EU and the Member States; the supremacy of EU law and its impact upon the principle of UK parliamentary sovereignty; the direct and indirect effect of EU law in the national courts; and the ability of those national courts to request preliminary rulings from the Court of Justice. The book also examines the obligations that EU law imposes on Member States, including the operation of infringement actions and Member State liability in damages for breaches of EU law, and the obligations that it imposes on both the EU institutions and the Member States to protect human rights in the EU. It then discusses economic integration within the internal market and how EU law regulates the rights of individuals and businesses under the ‘four freedoms’, focusing on the free movement of persons and goods. Finally, the book considers competition law and its enforcement within Member States.

Complete EU Law

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elspeth Berry ◽  
Matthew J. Homewood ◽  
Barbara Bogusz
Keyword(s):  
Legislative Process ◽  
Eu Law ◽  
Member States ◽  
National Courts ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
Free Movement Of Persons ◽  
State Liability ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Substantive Law ◽  
The Eu

Titles in the Complete series combine extracts from a wide range of primary materials with clear explanatory text to provide readers with a complete introductory resource. Complete EU Law combines extracts from leading cases and articles to take a fresh and modern look at the constitutional and substantive law of the EU. It starts by looking at the origins of EU integration and more recent developments such as the implications of the UK ‘Brexit’ vote. It then examines the role of EU institutions within the legislative process, and the sources of EU law. Next, it explores the relationship between the EU and the Member States; the supremacy of EU law and its impact upon the principle of UK parliamentary sovereignty; the direct and indirect effect of EU law in the national courts; and the ability of those national courts to request preliminary rulings from the Court of Justice. The book also examines the obligations that EU law imposes on Member States, including the operation of infringement actions and Member State liability in damages for breaches of EU law, and the obligations that it imposes on both the EU institutions and the Member States to protect human rights in the EU. It then discusses economic integration within the internal market and how EU law regulates the rights of individuals and businesses under the ‘four freedoms’, focusing on the free movement of persons and goods. Finally, the book considers competition law and its enforcement within Member States.

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