scholarly journals Dual Pandemics of COVID-19 and Systemic Racism: The Roles of Perceptions of Inequities, Civic Values, and Conservatism in Mask-Wearing Behavior

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher Wegemer ◽  
Luise von Keyserlingk

Amid unprecedented political polarization, the US continues to grapple with the simultaneous crises of COVID-19 and structural racism. We examine potential predictors of COVID-19 mask-wearing at the intersection of these crises, with particular attention to the behavior of conservatives and young people, who have resisted compliance with efforts to contain the spread of COVID-19. Specifically, we investigate perceptions of racial/ethnic inequities in the healthcare system and civic values as predictors of COVID-19 mask-wearing frequency and potential moderators of the relationship between political orientation and COVID-19 mask-wearing frequency. Diverse college students at a university in southern California participated in our longitudinal survey, which was initiated prior to the COVID-19 pandemic (N = 431). We found that perceptions of inequities and civic values predicted mask-wearing, whereas political conservatism was negatively related to mask-wearing. Further, conservative participants were more likely to wear masks if they reported greater perceptions of inequities. Our results provide a foundation for future research that may inform targeted public health interventions aimed at encouraging responsible COVID-19 behavior and fostering dialogue on structural equities in a contentious political environment.

10.28945/4268 ◽  
2019 ◽  

Aim/Purpose: To update a 2010 study that recommended “rules of thumb” for more effective use of PowerPoint in the post-secondary business classroom. The current study expanded the focus to include the business classroom in India as well as the US and examined possible shifts in student perception of the utility of PowerPoint among Generations Y and Z. Background: The study examined students’ perception of the learning utility of PowerPoint in post-secondary business classrooms in the US and India and the relationship of the use of PowerPoint to course ratings. Methodology: Surveys were distributed in post-secondary business classrooms in India and the US in 2018 and early 2019, resulting in 92 completions from India and 127 from the US. Separately 50 student course evaluations from the same US college were compared to the use of slides as well as to their conformance to the “rules of thumb” for effectiveness established earlier and other measures of quality. Contribution: These results show how PowerPoint is viewed by post-secondary business students in India and the US and its perceived utility as a learning tool for Generations Y and Z. Findings: Most post-secondary business students (80%) found PowerPoint an effective learning tool, but only 21% of the business classes examined used it. US students were more positive than Indian ones, who were more likely to say PowerPoint is overused. There was no difference in student course evaluations between those that had slides and those that did not. However, most of the slide decks examined did not follow the “rules of thumb,” exhibiting a much greater number of words per slide. Generations Y and Z gave high ratings to slides that incorporated audiovisuals, mixed media, and special effects and said they learned more when they were the ones who created the slides. However, most students did not rate themselves as competent in creation of PowerPoint slides. Recommendations for Practitioners: (1) Faculty should consider students’ positive reception of PowerPoint, their preference for adaptive, interactive learning that builds on strong multimedia elements while creating instructional materials. (2) Faculty should receive prescriptive design instruction for incorporating PowerPoint best practices to cut back on their self-reported high time spent on slide creation and student-reported low technical competency in faculty instruction. (3) Publishers should concentrate on slide design and innovativeness along with content coverage to serve faculty needs. (4) Business curricula should take into account generational as well as cultural differences in learning preferences. (5) To address the students’ conflation of personal social media prowess with superior technology or communication skills in the professional context, Business curricula should incorporate learning outcomes related to professional use of technology tools such as PowerPoint. Recommendations for Researchers: There is still utility in old-fashioned paper questionnaires to assess what impacts student learning. There is also merit in comparing student course evaluations with various in-classroom treatments. Impact on Society: PowerPoint may be underused in the post-secondary business classroom, but this paper raises questions about the value of unedited use of the very dense slides provided by publishers as effective learning tools in the post-secondary business classroom. Future Research: Future research can be focused on the use of PowerPoint slides in the business classroom in other countries and cultures, as only the US and India were examined. Further examination needs to be made of the relationship between extensive and unedited use of publisher-provided slides and the reporting of the staggering statistics that most students are not now buying textbooks. Finally, this study did not touch on gender or socio-economic differences in the student demographics, which might open further avenues for investigation.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hohjin Im ◽  
Peiyi Wang ◽  
Chuansheng Chen

In the United States, the COVID-19 pandemic became an unconventional vehicle to advance partisan rhetoric and antagonism. Using data available at the individual- (Study 1; N = 4,220), county- (Study 2; n = 3,046), and state-level (n = 49), we found that partisanship and political orientation was a robust and strong correlate of mask use. Political conservatism and Republican partisanship were related to downplaying the severity of COVID-19 and perceiving masks as being ineffective that, in turn, were related to lower mask use. In contrast, we found that counties with majority Democrat partisanship reported greater mask use, controlling for various socioeconomic and demographic factors. Lastly, states with strong cultural collectivism reported greater mask use while those with strong religiosity reported the opposite. States with greater Democrat partisanship and strong cultural collectivism subsequently reported lower COVID-19 deaths, mediated by greater mask use and lower COVID-19 cases, in the five months following the second wave of COVID-19 in the US during the Summer of 2020. Nonetheless, more than the majority for Democrats (91.58%), Republicans (77.52%), and third-party members (82.48%) reported using masks. Implications for findings are discussed.


2020 ◽  
Vol 27 (12) ◽  
pp. 1949-1954
Author(s):  
Ellerie Weber ◽  
Sarah J Miller ◽  
Varuna Astha ◽  
Teresa Janevic ◽  
Emma Benn

Abstract Objective To explore whether racial/ethnic differences in telehealth use existed during the peak pandemic period among NYC patients seeking care for COVID-19 related symptoms. Materials and Methods This study used data from a large health system in NYC – the epicenter of the US crisis – to describe characteristics of patients seeking COVID-related care via telehealth, ER, or office encounters during the peak pandemic period. Using multinomial logistic regression, we estimated the magnitude of the relationship between patient characteristics and the odds of having a first encounter via telehealth versus ER or office visit, and then used regression parameter estimates to predict patients’ probabilities of using different encounter types given their characteristics. Results Demographic factors, including race/ethnicity and age, were significantly predictive of telehealth use. As compared to Whites, Blacks had higher adjusted odds of using both the ER versus telehealth (OR: 4.3, 95% CI: 4.0-4.6) and office visits versus telehealth (OR: 1.4, 95% CI: 1.3-1.5). For Hispanics versus Whites, the analogous ORs were 2.5 (95% CI: 2.3-2.7) and 1.2 (95% CI: 1.1-1.3). Compared to any age groups, patients 65+ had significantly higher odds of using either ER or office visits versus telehealth. Conclusions The response to COVID-19 has involved an unprecedented expansion in telehealth. While older Americans and minority populations among others are known to be disadvantaged by the digital divide, few studies have examined disparities in telehealth specifically, and none during COVID-19. Additional research into sociodemographic heterogeneity in telehealth use is needed to prevent potentially further exacerbating health disparities overall.


2019 ◽  
Vol 23 (7) ◽  
pp. 1014-1031
Author(s):  
Hannah J. Osborn ◽  
Nicholas Sosa ◽  
Kimberly Rios

The growing racial/ethnic diversity in the United States can be perceived as threatening to White Americans. The present work examines how interethnic ideologies—different ways of framing ethnic diversity—moderate perceptions of threat and political conservatism among White Americans exposed to a passage about the US becoming a “majority-minority” nation. Across 3 studies, we found divergent effects of multiculturalism and polyculturalism within the context of growing diversity. Priming multiculturalism increased perceived threats to the ingroup’s power and status, which in turn led to greater endorsement of conservative political views (Studies 1 and 3) and warmer feelings toward a conservative political figure (i.e., Donald Trump; Studies 2 and 3); however, these relationships were attenuated and sometimes reversed among participants primed with polyculturalism. We discuss implications for how interethnic ideologies influence White Americans’ threatened responses to increasing diversity.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas Grünhage ◽  
Martin Reuter

Blatantly observable in the U.S. currently, the political chasm grows, representing a prototype of political polarization in most if not all western democratic political systems. Differential political psychology strives to trace back increasingly polarized political convictions to differences on the individual level. Recent evolutionary informed approaches suggest that interindividual differences in political orientation reflect differences in group-mindedness and cooperativeness. Contrarily, the existence of meaningful associations between political orientation, personality traits, and interpersonal behavior has been questioned critically. Here, we shortly review evidence showing that these relationships do exist, which supports the assumption that political orientation is deeply rooted in the human condition. Potential reasons for the premature rejection of these relationships and directions for future research are outlined and implications for refinements and extensions of evolutionary informed approaches are derived.


2013 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 321-352 ◽  
Author(s):  
OTT TOOMET ◽  
MARCO VAN DER LEIJ ◽  
MEREDITH ROLFE

AbstractThis paper analyzes the relationship between unexplained racial/ethnic wage differentials on the one hand and social network segregation, as measured by inbreeding homophily, on the other. Our analysis is based on both the US and Estonian surveys, supplemented with the Estonian telephone communication data. In the case of Estonia we consider the regional variation in economic performance of the Russian minority, and in the US case we consider the regional variation in black--white differentials. Our analysis finds a strong relationship between the size of the wage differential and network segregation: Regions with more segregated social networks exhibit larger unexplained wage gaps.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sebastian Deri

In this paper, I attempt to provide a comprehensive review of the evidence regarding the relationship between political polarization in the US and internet use. In the first part, I examine whether there has indeed been a rise in political polarization in the US in the last several decades. The remaining second and third parts deal with the relationship between polarization and internet use. I begin, in the second part, by reviewing evidence pertaining to the question of whether internet use plays a causal role in bringing about polarization. I then move, in the third part, to exploring the possible means by which internet use might bring about polarization. By analogy to cigarettes and cancer, the second part examines whether cigarette smoking causes cancer, while the third part examines how cigarette smoking causes (or might cause) cancer. One focus, in the third section, is on the most often discussed mechanism of internet-caused polarization: segregated information exposure, which corresponds to claims that polarization is driven by an internet ecosystem characterized by “echo chambers”, “filter bubbles”, and otherwise partisan information consumption and dissemination.The brief summary for each of the three parts is this. First, there is evidence that polarization has been on the rise in the U.S. in the recent decades—but it depends what you measure. When comparing Republican and Democrats, there is strongest evidence for increases in affective polarization and policy-based polarization. Second, most analyses would marshal against a version of reality where the rise in the political polarization in recent decades is mostly accounted for by the dramatic rise in internet use over this same time period. However, one notable, well-conducted, large-scale randomized direct intervention study confirms that de-activating a social media account (Facebook) resulted in significant and non-trivially sized decreases in polarization, specifically related to political opinions and policy preferences (Allcott, Braghieri, Eichmeyer, & Gentzkow, 2019). Finally, the evidence is murkiest regarding how internet use might drive polarization. With regard to polarization via segregated information exposure, claims that partisans inhabit wildly segregated “echo chambers” or “filter bubbles” are largely overstated. Nevertheless, there are significant and meaningful differences in the political content that partisans of different political orientations consume online, comparable to the degree of segregation in national print newspaper readership. Causal evidence linking this differential exposure to political polarization is not as strong as evidence that differential exposure exists. Evidence for other mechanisms of polarization is suggestive but awaits strong empirical confirmation.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 589-604
Author(s):  
Kimberly Woods ◽  
Jillian L. Wendt ◽  
Amy Barrios ◽  
Rebecca Lunde

The current study uses a correlation design and multiple linear regression to determine whether generation, gender, and subject area predict teachers’ technology efficacy as measured by the Technology Proficiency Self-Assessment for 21st Century Leaning (TPSA C-21). An online survey was provided to all participants. The survey consisted of demographic questions and a technology self-efficacy instrument. Results demonstrate that gender and generation are statistically significant predictors of technology efficacy, namely on the Total, WWW, Integrated Applications, and Emerging Technologies Skills subscales of the TPSA C-21. The subject area variable, however, did not demonstrate a statistically significant ability to predict teacher technology efficacy scores on any subscale of the TPSA C-21. The findings of the current study add to the existing body of literature by enhancing understanding of the teachers’ perceptions of technology efficacy in one geographic location in the US. These findings are timely, especially given the largely technology dependent nature of education—whether in physical classrooms or in virtual settings and the increasing necessity of using technological tools in education settings.  Implications are discussed, including suggestions for future research. 


2013 ◽  
Vol 44 (5) ◽  
pp. 354-360 ◽  
Author(s):  
Danny Osborne ◽  
Liz W. Wootton ◽  
Chris G. Sibley

Documenting the relationship between Agreeableness and political conservatism has proven elusive. We address this anomaly by showing that two aspects of Agreeableness – politeness and compassion – have countervailing relationships with political conservatism through right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) and social dominance orientation (SDO). To test this, we analyzed data from a nationally representative sample of New Zealanders (N = 4,553). Politeness was positively, but compassion was negatively, correlated with political conservatism. Consistent with the differential mediation hypothesis derived from the dual process model of ideology and prejudice, these opposing relationships were differentially mediated by RWA and SDO. This attenuated the bivariate relationship between the higher-order trait of Agreeableness and political conservatism. These results demonstrate the complex relationship between personality and political orientation.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 19
Author(s):  
David Bryan Oxendine

AbstractPolitical orientation and race have consistently found to be associated with social dominance orientation (SDO) and religiosity.  This study explores the degree of influence that political orientation and race has on SDO and religiosity.  The research participants consisted of 245 undergraduate and graduate students at an ethnically diverse regional university in the southeastern United States.  As expected, Republican participants scored higher in SDO than Democrats, as White participants scored higher in SDO than did Non-White participants.  Additionally, Republican participants scored higher in religiosity than did Democrats.  As hypothesized, Non-Whites scored higher in religiosity than did Whites. Implications for future research on political orientation, race and other factors associated with SDO and religiosity.


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