Perceiving demographic diversity as a threat: Divergent effects of multiculturalism and polyculturalism

2019 ◽  
Vol 23 (7) ◽  
pp. 1014-1031
Author(s):  
Hannah J. Osborn ◽  
Nicholas Sosa ◽  
Kimberly Rios

The growing racial/ethnic diversity in the United States can be perceived as threatening to White Americans. The present work examines how interethnic ideologies—different ways of framing ethnic diversity—moderate perceptions of threat and political conservatism among White Americans exposed to a passage about the US becoming a “majority-minority” nation. Across 3 studies, we found divergent effects of multiculturalism and polyculturalism within the context of growing diversity. Priming multiculturalism increased perceived threats to the ingroup’s power and status, which in turn led to greater endorsement of conservative political views (Studies 1 and 3) and warmer feelings toward a conservative political figure (i.e., Donald Trump; Studies 2 and 3); however, these relationships were attenuated and sometimes reversed among participants primed with polyculturalism. We discuss implications for how interethnic ideologies influence White Americans’ threatened responses to increasing diversity.

2021 ◽  
Vol 66 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cindy Im ◽  
Lalani L. Munasinghe ◽  
José M. Martínez ◽  
William Letsou ◽  
Farideh Bagherzadeh-Khiabani ◽  
...  

Objectives: To quantify the Black/Hispanic disparity in COVID-19 mortality in the United States (US).Methods: COVID-19 deaths in all US counties nationwide were analyzed to estimate COVID-19 mortality rate ratios by county-level proportions of Black/Hispanic residents, using mixed-effects Poisson regression. Excess COVID-19 mortality counts, relative to predicted under a counterfactual scenario of no racial/ethnic disparity gradient, were estimated.Results: County-level COVID-19 mortality rates increased monotonically with county-level proportions of Black and Hispanic residents, up to 5.4-fold (≥43% Black) and 11.6-fold (≥55% Hispanic) higher compared to counties with <5% Black and <15% Hispanic residents, respectively, controlling for county-level poverty, age, and urbanization level. Had this disparity gradient not existed, the US COVID-19 death count would have been 92.1% lower (177,672 fewer deaths), making the rate comparable to other high-income countries with substantially lower COVID-19 death counts.Conclusion: During the first 8 months of the SARS-CoV-2 pandemic, the US experienced the highest number of COVID-19 deaths. This COVID-19 mortality burden is strongly associated with county-level racial/ethnic diversity, explaining most US COVID-19 deaths.


2018 ◽  
Vol 47 (3) ◽  
pp. 130-134

This section, updated regularly on the blog Palestine Square, covers popular conversations related to the Palestinians and the Arab-Israeli conflict during the quarter 16 November 2017 to 15 February 2018: #JerusalemIstheCapitalofPalestine went viral after U.S. president Donald Trump recognized Jerusalem as the capital of Israel and announced his intention to move the U.S. embassy there from Tel Aviv. The arrest of Palestinian teenager Ahed Tamimi for slapping an Israeli soldier also prompted a viral campaign under the hashtag #FreeAhed. A smaller campaign protested the exclusion of Palestinian human rights from the agenda of the annual Creating Change conference organized by the US-based National LGBTQ Task Force in Washington. And, UNRWA publicized its emergency funding appeal, following the decision of the United States to slash funding to the organization, with the hashtag #DignityIsPriceless.


Author(s):  
Thomas E. Fuller-Rowell ◽  
David S. Curtis ◽  
Adrienne M. Duke

Conceptual frameworks for racial/ethnic health disparities are abundant, but many have received insufficient empirical attention. As a result, there are substantial gaps in scientific knowledge and a range of untested hypotheses. Particularly lacking is specificity in behavioral and biological mechanisms for such disparities and their underlying social determinants. Alongside lack of political will and public investment, insufficient clarity in mechanisms has stymied efforts to address racial health disparities. Capitalizing on emergent findings from the Midlife in the United States (MIDUS) study and other longitudinal studies of aging, this chapter evaluates research on health disparities between black and white US adults. Attention is given to candidate behavioral and biological mechanisms as precursors to group differences in morbidity and mortality and to environmental and sociocultural factors that may underlie these mechanisms. Future research topics are discussed, emphasizing those that offer promise with respect to illuminating practical solutions to racial/ethnic health disparities.


2020 ◽  
Vol 96 (2) ◽  
pp. 419-437
Author(s):  
Xiangfeng Yang

Abstract Ample evidence exists that China was caught off guard by the Trump administration's onslaught of punishing acts—the trade war being a prime, but far from the only, example. This article, in addition to contextualizing their earlier optimism about the relations with the United States under President Trump, examines why Chinese leaders and analysts were surprised by the turn of events. It argues that three main factors contributed to the lapse of judgment. First, Chinese officials and analysts grossly misunderstood Donald Trump the individual. By overemphasizing his pragmatism while downplaying his unpredictability, they ended up underprepared for the policies he unleashed. Second, some ingrained Chinese beliefs, manifested in the analogies of the pendulum swing and the ‘bickering couple’, as well as the narrative of the ‘ballast’, lulled officials and scholars into undue optimism about the stability of the broader relationship. Third, analytical and methodological problems as well as political considerations prevented them from fully grasping the strategic shift against China in the US.


Author(s):  
N. Gegelashvili ◽  
◽  
I. Modnikova ◽  

The article analyzes the US policy towards Ukraine dating back from the time before the reunification of Crimea with Russia and up to Donald Trump coming to power. The spectrum of Washington’s interests towards this country being of particular strategic interest to the United States are disclosed. It should be noted that since the disintegration of the Soviet Union Washington’s interest in this country on the whole has not been very much different from its stand on all post-Soviet states whose significance was defined by the U,S depending on their location on the world map as well as on the value of their natural resources. However, after the reunification of Crimea with Russia Washington’s stand on this country underwent significant changes, causing a radical transformation of the U,S attitude in their Ukrainian policy. During the presidency of Barack Obama the American policy towards Ukraine was carried out rather sluggishly being basically declarative in its nature. When President D. Trump took his office Washington’s policy towards Ukraine became increasingly more offensive and was characterized by a rather proactive stance not only because Ukraine became the principal arena of confrontation between the United States and the Russian Federation, but also because it became a part of the US domestic political context. Therefore, an outcome of the “battle” for Ukraine is currently very important for the United States in order to prove to the world its role of the main helmsman in the context of a diminishing US capability of maintaining their global superiority.


2021 ◽  
Vol VI (III) ◽  
pp. 59-71
Author(s):  
Muhammad Nadeem Mirza ◽  
Lubna Abid Ali ◽  
Irfan Hasnain Qaisrani

This study intends to explore the rise of Donald Trump to the White House. Why was Donald Trump considered a populist leader, and how did his populist rhetoric and actions impact the contours of American domestic and foreign policies? The study adopted qualitative exploratory and explanatory research techniques. Specific methods utilised to conduct the study remained political personality profiling. It finds that the populist leaders construct the binaries in the society by dividing the nation into two groups: �us� the people, against �them� the corrupt elite or other groups presented as a threat to the lives and livelihood of the nation. Though populism as a unique brand of politics remained active through most of the US history, yet these were only two occasions that populists were successful in winning the American presidential elections � Andrew Jackson in 1828 and Donald Trump in 2016. Structural and historical reasons became the biggest cause behind the election of Donald Trump, who successfully brought a revolution in American domestic and foreign policies. And if structural issues in the United States are not addressed, there is a clear chance that Trump � who is not withering away � will come back to contest and challenge any competitors in the 2024 presidential elections.


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 89-100 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gopal K Singh ◽  
Isaac E. Kim, Jr. ◽  
Mehrete Girmay ◽  
Chrisp Perry ◽  
Gem P. Daus ◽  
...  

Objectives: Dramatic increases in opioid and drug overdose mortality have occurred in the United States (US) over the past two decades. To address this national public health crisis and identify gaps in the literature, we analyzed recent empirical trends in US drug overdose mortality by key social determinants and conducted a selective review of the recent literature on the magnitude of the opioid crisis facing different racial/ethnic, socioeconomic, and rural-urban segments of the US population. Methods: We used the 1999-2017 mortality data from the US National Vital Statistics System to analyze trends in drug overdose mortality by race/ethnicity, age, and geographic area. Log-linear regression was used to model mortality trends. Using various key words and their combinations, we searched PubMed and Google Scholar for select peerreviewed journal articles and government reports published on the opioid epidemic between 2010 and 2018. Results: Our original analysis and review indicate marked increases in drug overdose mortality overall and by race/ethnicity and geographic regions, with adolescents and young adults experiencing steep increases in mortality between 1999 and 2017. Our selective search yielded 405 articles, of which 39 publications were selected for detailed review. Suicide mortality from drug overdose among teens aged 12-19 increased consistently between 2009 and 2017, particularly among teen girls. The rise of efficient global supply chains has increased opioid prescription use and undoubtedly contributed to the opioid epidemic. Many other important contributing factors to the epidemic include lack of education and economic opportunities, poor working conditions, and low social capital in disadvantaged communities. Conclusions and Global Health Implications: Our analysis and review indicate substantial disparities in drug overdoses and related mortality, pain management, and treatment outcomes according to social determinants. Increases in drug overdoses and resultant mortality are not only unique to the US, but have also been observed in other industrialized countries. Healthcare systems, community leaders, and policymakers addressing the opioidepidemic should focus on upstream structural factors including education, economic opportunity, social cohesion, racial/ethnic disadvantage, geographic isolation, and life satisfaction. Key words: • Opioids • Drug overdose • Mortality • Pain management • Treatment • Race/Ethnicity • Social determinants • Health disparities Copyright © 2019 Singh et al. This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.


2019 ◽  
Vol 52 (4) ◽  
pp. 554-587
Author(s):  
Gavriel D. Rosenfeld

AbstractEver since Donald Trump announced his candidacy for the US presidency in June 2015, journalists, scholars, and other commentators in the United States have attempted to explain his political success with the aid of historical analogies. In so doing, they have sparked a wider debate about whether the Nazi past helps to make sense of the US present. One group in the debate has contended that Trump's ascent bears a worrisome resemblance to interwar European fascism, especially the National Socialist movement of Adolf Hitler. By contrast, a second group has rejected this comparison and sought analogies for Trump in other historical figures from European and US history. This article surveys the course, and assesses the results, of the debate from its origins up to the present day. It shows that historians of Germany have played a prominent role in helping to make sense of Trump, but notes that their use of Nazi analogies may be distorting, rather than deepening, our understanding of contemporary political trends. By examining the merits and drawbacks of Nazi analogies in present-day popular discourse, the article recommends that scholars draw on both the German and American historical experience in order to best assess the United States's present political movement.


2020 ◽  
Vol 60 (5) ◽  
pp. 1155-1180
Author(s):  
Jeffrey S Nowacki ◽  
Danielle Creech ◽  
Megan Parks

Abstract Many states in the United States have recently implemented voter suppression policies, which make voting more difficult, particularly for members of marginalized populations (e.g. non-white and female voters). In this article, we examine how these policies and other measures of political climate influence criminal sentencing in US district courts. Using 2015 data from the US Sentencing Commission, alongside other district-level measures, we find both direct and conditioning relationships between political climate and extra-legal variables. Specifically, we find that, while voter suppression policies do not directly affect sentence length, racial threat effects are enhanced in districts governed by such policies. Conversely, districts without such policies see larger mitigating effects at high levels of ethnic diversity and gender equality.


2020 ◽  
Vol 154 (4) ◽  
pp. 450-458
Author(s):  
Marissa J White ◽  
Rhea J Wyse ◽  
Alisha D Ware ◽  
Curtiland Deville

Abstract Objectives This study assessed historical and current gender, racial, and ethnic diversity trends within US pathology graduate medical education (GME) and the pathologist workforce. Methods Data from online, publicly available sources were assessed for significant differences in racial, ethnic, and sex distribution in pathology trainees, as well as pathologists in practice or on faculty, separately compared with the US population and then each other using binomial tests. Results Since 1995, female pathology resident representation has been increasing at a rate of 0.45% per year (95% confidence interval [CI], 0.29-0.61; P < .01), with pathology now having significantly more females (49.8%) compared to the total GME pool (45.4%; P < .0001). In contrast, there was no significant trend in the rate of change per year in black or American Indian, Alaskan Native, Native Hawaiian, and Pacific Islander (AI/AN/NH/PI) resident representation (P = .04 and .02). Since 1995, underrepresented minority (URM) faculty representation has increased by 0.03% per year (95% CI, 0.024-0.036; P < .01), with 7.6% URM faculty in 2018 (5.2% Hispanic, 2.2% black, 0.2% AI/AN/NH/PI). Conclusions This assessment of pathology trainee and physician workforce diversity highlights significant improvements in achieving trainee gender parity. However, there are persistent disparities in URM representation, with significant underrepresentation of URM pathologists compared with residents.


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