scholarly journals Broadcasting Public Service in the Arab World: Rupture and Continuity

2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 98-112
Author(s):  
Jamel Zran ◽  
Moez Ben Messaoud

A large proportion of the media around the world, especially those related to radio and television, belong to the state. In principle at least, there are three different terms to talk about these types of media: (1). The public media that draws on the treasury to present programming that is in the interest of the general population. They do not support any political party, not even the party in power. (2). National media owned by the state and using the treasury money, are also controlled directly by the state. (3). Government media that is owned by the ruling party and uses the treasury money, are also controlled by the ruling party. These three models coexist already in the Arab world since independence. This phenomenon almost removed the clear distinction that existed in principle between the government media and the public media. After the Arab Spring in 2011, however, this distinction remains important. The public broadcaster model was based on a principle that is still justified for most of the world and that the private media alone can not guarantee the pluralism of broadcasting. The problem, however, is that the government media have also largely failed. In several countries, the arrival of private media has pushed governments to exercise editorial control of the public media. The discussion of media regulation is aimed primarily at ensuring that the media financed by the Public treasury exercise their profession with the full independence of the government of the day to which they are entitled, rather than aiming to restrict the freedom of the media that already enjoy full editorial independence. In the Arab world, there have been some attempts to recover and modernize the ideal model of public media, as for example the case of Tunisia, Morocco and Jordan. This study aim to search if the Arab broadcasting meet the recognized standards and the requirements of the concept of public service?Int. J. Soc. Sc. Manage. Vol. 5, Issue-3: 98-112 

2014 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 23
Author(s):  
Tawanda Zinyama ◽  
Joseph Tinarwo

Public administration is carried out through the public service. Public administration is an instrument of the State which is expected to implement the policy decisions made from the political and legislative processes. The rationale of this article is to assess the working relationships between ministers and permanent secretaries in the Government of National Unity in Zimbabwe. The success of the Minister depends to a large degree on the ability and goodwill of a permanent secretary who often has a very different personal or professional background and whom the minster did not appoint. Here lies the vitality of the permanent secretary institution. If a Minister decides to ignore the advice of the permanent secretary, he/she may risk of making serious errors. The permanent secretary is the key link between the democratic process and the public service. This article observed that the mere fact that the permanent secretary carries out the political, economic and social interests and functions of the state from which he/she derives his/her authority and power; and to which he/she is accountable,  no permanent secretary is apolitical and neutral to the ideological predisposition of the elected Ministers. The interaction between the two is a political process. Contemporary administrator requires complex team-work and the synthesis of diverse contributions and view-points.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ivo Indjov ◽  
◽  
◽  

The study examines the applicability of the comparative framework of Hallin and Mancini (2004) with their three models of media‒politics relations (Mediterranean or Polarized Pluralist Model, North/ Central European or Democratic Corporatist Model, and North Atlantic or Liberal Model) to a post-communist country like Bulgaria. The answer to this question is sought through a study of the role of the state in relation to the media system, particularly the state funding of media in its various forms. The analysis leads to the conclusion that the Bulgarian media system is most similar to the Mediterranean Model due to the power of еtatism (the state finances public media, and the government buys media love through state and municipal advertising). At the same time, ineffective media regulation favors media concentration and the instrumentalization of large government media groups. The processes of rapid liberalization, privatization and deregulation in the media sector after 1989 brought Bulgaria closer to the countries included in the Liberal Model. Therefore, its media system is hybrid to some extent, but the similarities with the Mediterranean Model remain in the lead. The clientelism through which they are tamed, resp. corrupt the media, brings Bulgaria closer to the Latin American countries where it is much stronger than in the Mediterranean region (Hallin, Papathanassopoulos 2002). The concluding part predicts that, in the future, the analysis of the Bulgarian media system can be enhanced with a study of the applicability of the concepts of the “captured liberal model” of the media (in Latin America) and the “captured media” in the post-communist world.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 78-100
Author(s):  
Ni Putu Noni Suharyanti ◽  
Kadek Endra Setiawan

In order to support the government in overcoming the Covid-19 outbreak, Komisi Penyiaran Indonesia (KPI) has issued several policies related to broadcasting, especially on television. This policy was taken considering that television is still the media with the most audience reach and has a high duplication power in society. Therefore, in every program broadcast to the public, adherence to health protocols is a must. Based on this, it is necessary to examine in depth the role of KPI in overseeing broadcasting and the synergy between Central and Regional KPIs in overseeing broadcasting during the Covid-19 pandemic. The results showed that the KPI in supervising broadcasting during the Covid-19 pandemic played an optimal role in regulating and supervising broadcast content by issuing policies to broadcast the socialization of prevention of the spread of Covid-19 either through Public Service Ads (ILM) or other programs by television and radio. In addition, KPI also issued KPI Decree (KKPI) Number 12 of 2020 concerning Support of Broadcasting Institutions in Efforts to Prevent and Overcome the Spread of Covid-19. Then to follow up on the Circular on news related to the Covid-19 Virus, the Central KPI along with Regional KPI throughout Indonesia conveyed and reminded all Broadcasting Institutions to remain guided by broadcasting rules in broadcasting institutions to convey useful and accountable information.


2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-53
Author(s):  
Aid Mršić ◽  
◽  
Larisa Softić-Gasal ◽  

The public service, which should be the guardian of the identity of national minorities, fell under the political pressure. In this way, it came out of the scope of its actions. Leading people in independent media believe that the role of the public service is crucial in protecting national minorities.But the media can not do it alone. First of all, the state must regulate, and respect what it has brought. With strong strategies and the inclusion of national minorities in all social trends, it is possible to achieve, not fully, but partially, the equality of all those who liveon the territory of BiH.On the other hand, the public service must respect what the state says. The Communications Regulatory Agency is obliged to impose rules in an adequate manner and at the same time to monitor how much the media (public service) meets its obligations.


2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (14) ◽  
pp. 351
Author(s):  
Ephraim Ahamefula Ikegbu ◽  
Peter Bisong Bisong ◽  
Enyimba Maduka

The media are like a two-edged sword; it could built, it could also destroy. It has the capacity to increase the virtue level of a society; it also has an equal capacity to increase the vices of the society. From surveys it appears to these writers that, the media at present is wielding its vicious powers more. An increase in cases of homicides, terrorism, crime, violence and other social ills in the world is a clear testimony to this assertion. Since the state or the government exists to produce virtues in the citizens, it is imperative that the government takes serious steps to curb the dysfunctional effects of the media on the citizens and the society at large. The government should not be left alone to do this, the religious leaders, physicians, psychologists, philosophers, parents and the media practitioners themselves need to contribute their quota to evolve a media of our dreams – a media that would yield positive and beneficial fruits to the society. The media should be an instrument aimed at shaping the lives of the youth and the society. As an educative, instructive, didactic and healing therapeutic facility, the negatives associated with the media should be avoided by aspiring to embrace the positive effects of their relevance.


Author(s):  
Ya-Wen Lei

Since the mid-2000s, public opinion and debate in China have become increasingly common and consequential, despite the ongoing censorship of speech and regulation of civil society. How did this happen? This book shows how the Chinese state drew on law, the media, and the Internet to further an authoritarian project of modernization, but in so doing, inadvertently created a nationwide public sphere in China—one the state must now endeavor to control. The book examines the influence this unruly sphere has had on Chinese politics and the ways that the state has responded. It shows that the development of the public sphere in China has provided an unprecedented forum for citizens to influence the public agenda, demand accountability from the government, and organize around the concepts of law and rights. It demonstrates how citizens came to understand themselves as legal subjects, how legal and media professionals began to collaborate in unexpected ways, and how existing conditions of political and economic fragmentation created unintended opportunities for political critique, particularly with the rise of the Internet. The emergence of this public sphere—and its uncertain future—is a pressing issue with important implications for the political prospects of the Chinese people. The book offers new possibilities for thinking about the transformation of state–society relations.


2016 ◽  
Vol 11 (02) ◽  
Author(s):  
Pallavi Majumdar

Across the world, media entities are subjected to regulations following the universal perception that media content and media operations radically influence political debate, social policies and economic growth. This is accompanied by the tension of how to regulate the media and how to secure a free independent media on the other. Though regulation of the media content can take on several forms ranging from direct control of the government, guidelines from the industry associations, pressure from advertisers or suggestions by the civil society groups, it is normally aimed at protecting the public from perceived harm, or with enriching their knowledge or appreciation of culture. In India, the state has zealously guarded its control over broadcast news media, however, the emergence of new stakeholders in the postliberalization era has resulted in a complex mesh of regulatory controls. This paper traces the historical context of the broadcast regulatory framework in India and explores the various sites of contestations between the various stakeholders, particularly the state and the broadcasters, with specific reference to news on television.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 230-240
Author(s):  
Sophie Bellina ◽  
Ahmad Mahyani

Abstract The purpose of this study is to offer novelty related to the case of confiscation of the property of a deceased terrorist by the state in Indonesia. Using normative research methods with statutory approaches and concepts supported by descriptive techniques. Terrorism is a threat to every citizen in the world. Because the perpetrators of this terrorism crime always choose a place that is filled with the public and takes a lot of casualties. In committing acts of terrorism, perpetrators often commit suicide or suicide bombings to leave traces of the actions they have committed. The crime of terrorism requires a lot of funds to finance terrorists in carrying out bombing actions. So, if a terrorist actor dies, he will leave a lot of property and this can finance future terrorist activities. Regarding the confiscation of terrorist assets, it has not been regulated in Law Number 5 of 2018. In this case, the government must immediately make regulations regarding the confiscation of assets for terrorists who have died because this can help the state in eradicating terrorism. Such understanding is important in order to run well.Keyword: criminal act; foreclosure; terrorismAbstrakTujuan dari penelitian ini menawarkan kebaruan terkait dengan kasus penyitaan harta teroris yang telah meninggal oleh negara di Indonesia. Menggunakan metode penelitian normatif dengan metode pendekatan perundang-undangn dan konsep yang didukung oleh teknik prskriptif. Terorisme merupakan hal yang menjadi ancaman untuk setiap warga negara yang berada di dunia. Karena pelaku tindak pidana terorisme ini selalu memilih tempat yang dipenuhi oleh khalayak ramai dan memakan banyak sekali korban jiwa. Dalam melakukan aksi tindak pidana terorisme, pelaku seringkali melakukan aksi bunuh diri atau bom bunuh diri untuk meninggalkan jejak dari tindakan yang telah ia lakukan tersebut. Tindak pidana terorisme membutuhkan banyak sekali dana untuk membiayai para teroris dalam melakukan tindakan pengeboman. Sehingga, jika pelaku teroris meninggal dunia maka akan banyak sekali harta yang ia tinggalkan dan hal tersebut dapat membiayai kegiatan terorisme yang akan datang. Mengenai penyitaan harta teroris ini belum diatur di dalam UU No. 5-2018. Di dalam hal ini pemerintah harus segera membuat peraturan mengenai penyitaan harta untuk teroris yang telah meninggal dunia karena hal tersebut dapat membantu negara dalam pemberantasan terorisme. Pemahaman demikian penting agar dapat berjalan dengan baik.


Author(s):  
Wojciech Sadurski

This chapter covers how, from the very beginning, the Law and Justice (Prawo i Sprawiedliwość (PiS)) party targeted five democratic institutions as obstacles to its capture of the state. First, it looks at the parliamentary opposition being marginalized and effectively silenced. Second, it details how the civil service has been subjected to political control, and the principles of professionalism and neutrality in the civil service have been abandoned. Third, the chapter looks at the public media being transformed into a propaganda machine for the ruling party, and the commercial media being threatened with laws that would constrain their operation. Fourth, it considers how electoral commissions have been effectively subjected to the executive, which renders massive electoral frauds possible. Finally, the chapter looks at how institutions dispensing grants and subsidies to civil society organizations have been centralized and subjected to the executive. All these institutions provide a buffer for the population from the arbitrary will of politicians, which is why PiS could not tolerate them.


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