scholarly journals THE STATE FUNDING OF STATUTORY ACTIVITIES OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN UKRAINE AS AN INNOVATION AGAINST POLITICAL CORRUPTION

2018 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 124-137
Author(s):  
Iryna Tkachuk ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Corruption ◽  
The State ◽  
State Funding

scholarly journals Financing Education

1993 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bob Stephens
Keyword(s):  
Human Capital ◽  
New Zealand ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Policy Development ◽  
The State ◽  
State Funding ◽  
International Standards ◽  
Policy Proposals ◽  
Financing Education

Although education was an issue of major concern to voters in the lead-up to the 1993 election, and political parties responded with a variety of policy proposals, there was a noticeable reticence for further state funding of education. By international standards, tax levels are low in New Zealand, as is participation by tertiary standards. But whether increases in Vote: Education are the best use of further tax dollars depends on philosophical stances as to the nature of education. The human capital school argue for increased fees, whilst those who regard education as a right have to realise that quality may suffer if the state is the sole funder. Provision and policy development based in Iwi and Maori worlds are not covered.

Constitutionality of Funding Arrangements for Political Parties

1999 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 113-113
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Supreme Court ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Freedom Of Expression ◽  
The State ◽  
State Funding ◽  
General Election ◽  
The Political ◽  
Members Of Parliament ◽  
Constitutional Right

United Parties v. Minister of Justice, Legal and Parliamentary Affairs [1998] 1 LRC 614 (Supreme Court of Zimbabwe)In 1992 the Political Parties (Finance) Act was passed which made provision for the state funding of political parties. Section 3(3) provided that all political parties would be entitled to state funding in proportion to the number of their members elected to parliament, so long as they had a minimum of 15 elected members. At that time ZANU(PF) candidates were elected to 117 of the 120 parliamentary seats and in the 1995 general election this increased to 118 out of 120 seats. The effect of section 3(3) was that only ZANU(PF) qualified for state funding. The applicant was a recognized political party formed in 1994. It had no members of parliament and thus did not qualify for any state funding. It sought a declaration that section 3 infringed the constitutional right to freedom of expression and was therefore invalid.

scholarly journals A Step Forward in the Minimization of Political Corruption in Financial Support of Political Parties: The Experience of Ukraine and Lithuania

2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 108-130
Author(s):  
Anatoliy Kulish ◽  
Nadiia Andriichenko ◽  
Oleg Reznik
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Financial Support ◽  
Political Corruption ◽  
State Funding ◽  
Financial Activity ◽  
Foreign Countries ◽  
State Financing ◽  
High Level ◽  
And Control

Abstract Political corruption as a negative phenomenon hampers the democratic and economic development of any state. The experience of foreign countries across the world testifies to the existence of number of reasons conducive to the spread of political corruption. Its study is important both for Ukraine, which is actively taking measures to combat political corruption, and for other countries with a high level of political corruption. The article begins with a study of various approaches to understanding the concept of “political corruption”, the reasons for its emergence and determination of the level of citizens’ trust in political institutions in Ukraine and foreign countries. The main obstacles to minimizing the phenomenon of political corruption in Ukraine are the existence of an effective mechanism for financial support of political parties and control over their financial activity. Based on the analysis of scientific literature, international acts, and legislative acts of Ukraine and Lithuania, the authors disclose the experience of Ukraine and Lithuania in the sphere of state financing of political parties and control over their financial activity. The methods of descriptive comparative analysis and observation of the latest scientific research on this issue guide the work. Proceeding from the existing problem of minimizing the phenomenon of corruption in the funding of political parties in Ukraine and taking into account the development of Ukraine’s legal system, the article presents a number of proposals on improving the legislation of Ukraine on financial support of political parties. The authors also provide a proposal on the need to improve the legislation in Lithuania in the area of indirect state funding of political parties. This article aims to disclose the notion of “political corruption”, to study experience of Ukraine and Lithuania in the sphere of minimizations of corruption in the funding of political parties and control over the use of such financial support, to determine the areas for improving the legislation of Ukraine and Lithuania in this issue, and to show the optimal mechanism of overcoming corruption in political parties, since Ukraine is not the only state where this phenomenon reaches its peak.

Party and Democracy

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Piero Ignazi
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Organizational Development ◽  
Interwar Period ◽  
Historical Perspective ◽  
The State ◽  
Societal Change ◽  
Contemporary Society ◽  
Mass Public ◽  
Post War ◽  
Totalitarian Regimes

The book integrates philosophical, historical, and empirical analyses in order to highlight the profound roots of the limited legitimation of parties in contemporary society. Political parties’ long attempts to gain legitimacy are analysed from a philosophical–historical perspective pinpointing crucial passages in their theoretical and empirical acceptance. The book illustrates the process through which parties first emerged and then achieved full legitimacy in the early twentieth century. It shows how, paradoxically, their role became absolute in the totalitarian regimes of the interwar period when the party became hyper-powerful. In the post-war period, parties shifted from a golden age of positive reception and organizational development towards a more difficult relationship with society as it moved into post-industrialism. Parties were unable to master societal change and favoured the state to recover resources they were no longer able to extract from their constituencies. Parties have become richer and more powerful, but they have ‘paid’ for their pervasive presence in society and the state with a declining legitimacy. The party today is caught in a dramatic contradiction. It has become a sort of Leviathan with clay feet: very powerful thanks to the resources it gets from the state and to its control of societal and state spheres due to an extension of clientelistic and patronage practices; but very weak in terms of legitimacy and confidence in the eyes of the mass public. However, it is argued that there is still no alternative to the party, and some hypotheses to enhance party democracy are advanced.

On the System of Multiple Linear Regression of Higher Education Tuition in China

2011 ◽  
Vol 211-212 ◽  
pp. 752-755
Author(s):  
Wei Wang ◽  
De Quan Liu ◽  
Jian Liu
Keyword(s):  
Higher Education ◽  
Linear Regression ◽  
Multiple Linear Regression ◽  
Multiple Linear Regression Model ◽  
The State ◽  
State Funding ◽  
Reasonable Assumption ◽  
Training Costs ◽  
Higher Education In China ◽  
Education In China

Based on the fairness and benefits of the opportunity to accept higher education, tuition should be paid. The average cost of higher education and the ability to pay tuition which is determined by the average income are two fundamental basics for making the standard of tuition. In order to research the standard of tuition, the paper has focused on two issues: What is the acceptable range of tuition for higher education in China? How much is the reasonable tuition for higher education in China? Then we have established a multiple linear regression model on the basis of the reasonable assumption. Using the Eviews Software, we got that the range of average tuition was [4674.4, 7516.1]. Then we made a sensitivity analysis on the state funding and got the conclusion, tuition of colleges and universities all over our country were reasonable, and that the average tuition was negatively correlated to the state funding to some extent. Through the conclusion, we obtained that the state funding accounted for 25% in training costs of students. When the state funding rose by 250 yuan, the average tuition would decrease by 238 yuan.

Financing political parties in Africa: the case of Zimbabwe

2021 ◽  
Vol 59 (3) ◽  
pp. 295-317
Author(s):  
Chipo Dendere
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
State Funding ◽  
Court Cases ◽  
Government Officials ◽  
News Reports ◽  
Political Finance ◽  
Poor Access ◽  
Depth Analysis ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Opposition Parties

AbstractWhat is the impact of access to political party finance – money that parties use to fund their campaign activities – on politics in Africa? While multiparty elections have become more regular in the developing world, many opposition parties are still failing to win elections. This paper argues that poor access to political finance weakens democratic consolidation and negatively impacts the participation of less-resourced candidates who are unable to self-fund. As a result, opposition parties are forced to rely on weak promises of aid from international donors and unreliable state funding. This in-depth analysis of political finance, based on extensive interviews with politicians and government officials in Zimbabwe, political documents, news reports and a review of court cases, reveals that uneven financing has weakened opposition parties and serves as an extra advantage for incumbents.

scholarly journals Parties between thresholds: State subsidies and party behaviour in post-communist democracies

2017 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 233-244 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fernando Casal Bértoa ◽  
Maria Spirova
Keyword(s):  
Survival Rate ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Party System ◽  
Survival Rates ◽  
Empirical Support ◽  
State Funding ◽  
Publicly Funded ◽  
State Financing ◽  
State Subsidies ◽  
Almost All

Much has been written about what makes political parties form, persist, change and die. One factor often brought into this discussion is the availability of resources in general and of state financing of political parties in particular. However, an empirical link at the aggregate level is difficult to establish because of various issues of conceptualization, operationalization and measurement. Working at the party level and taking into consideration that state funding provides important resources that make running in elections and achieving a party’s electoral target more likely, this article provides empirical support for the claim that parties who (anticipate to be or) are being funded by the state have a higher chance of forming and surviving in an independent format in the party system. Based on a comparison of 14 post-communist party systems, the main conclusion of the article is that the survival rate for such parties exceeds the survival rate for the non-publicly funded ones in almost all cases. A second, novel and more particular, finding is that parties who find themselves outside parliament, but above the payout threshold, display higher survival rates than parties who are below it.

The Exceptionality of Jordan and its Democracy in King Hussein’s Last Speech From the Throne

2015 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 17
Author(s):  
Ahmad El-Sharif
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Analytical Framework ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Sociocultural Context ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Critical Metaphor Analysis ◽  
Political Structures

The Late King Hussein’s last Speech from the Throne in 1997 was given amidst public outcry over the outcomes of the parliamentary elections which resulted the triumph tribal figures with regional affiliations after the boycott of most political parties. This brought to public debate the questions of maintain the long-established balance between the several socio-political structures in the political life in Jordan. While the speech can be perceived as a reflection of King Hussein’s vision about ‘Jordanian democracy’, it can also be interpreted as an elaborate scheme to construct the conventional understanding of the exceptionality of Jordan and its socio-political institutions; including democracy. This article discusses the representation of ‘Jordanian democracy’, the state, and the socio-political structures in Jordan as reflected in the Late King’s last speech from the throne (1997). The analytical framework follows a critical metaphor analysis perspective in which all instances of metaphors used to epitomise these issues are primarily acknowledged from there sociocultural context. Herein, the article focuses on revealing the aspect of metaphorical language by which the Late King Hussein legitimizes and, hence, constructs, the prevailing ideology pf the ‘exceptionality’ of Jordan.

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