scholarly journals MORAL POLITIK GERAKAN MAHASISWA DALAM PERSPEKTIF TINJAUAN FILOSOFIS HUKUM ISLAM

2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 177-193
Author(s):  
Rizal Al-Hamid Rizal Al-Hamid

The dynamics of the student movement is a study that will not be interrupted and very interesting. It is a reality both from a historical perspective and in the context of reality that the dynamics of student movements have provided a phenomenon that continues as if it had no end. However the student movement has colored various political events in Indonesia. This is what sometimes does not bring a productive solution This paper aims to discuss some philosophies of Islamic teachings that can be a reference in the student movement.

Politics ◽  
2003 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 172-180
Author(s):  
Carlos E. Casillas ◽  
Alejandro Mújica

Mexico's 2000 presidential election was one of the most important political events in the nation's contemporary history. The victory of the National Action Party (PAN) and Vicente Fox, the first ‘non-official’ candidate ever to win a Mexican presidential election, surprised both local and world observers. This article comprises four parts. Part I very briefly places the election in historical perspective. In Part II, each of the three front-runners in the contest is profiled. Part III includes a systematic analysis of the general election results by constituencies or other territorial units, and features tabulated data. Part IV addresses the development of political parties and the party system before and after the elections.


2017 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 460-480 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zane Wubbena

The 2011 Chilean student protests were a powerful social movement aimed at transforming education and, with it, the social spaces and formations of daily life. This social movement was pedagogical because students transformed the city into a classroom to gain control over the production of space. In this vein, the student movement provided a catalyst for reconstituting public education as a universal social right. Based on the perspective of spatial educational theory, I conducted a visual framing analysis of three photographs taken during the 2011 Chilean student movement. I employed a four-tiered visual framing method. The three photographs were purposefully selected from different media sources to represent the three dimensions of spatial educational theory, including learning in conceived space, studying in lived space, and teaching in perceived space. In doing so, this article provides a novel way to explain spatial educational theory by visually operationalizing it as a pedagogy for space during the Chilean student movement. This article also works to broaden our conceptualization of student movements as pedagogical events for social transformation.


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 92
Author(s):  
Rose Fitria Lutfiana ◽  
Ahmad Arif Widianto

ABSTRAKGerakan mahasiswa turut mewarnai perkembangan demokrasi pada lintas orde kekuasaan di Indonesia. Dinamika demokrasi di Indonesia tidak lepas dari beragam aksi gerakan mahasiswa sebagai bentuk aksi moral dan politis untuk memperjuangkan masyarakat dari ketidakadilan dan penindasan. Gerakan mahasiswa merepresentasikan partisipasi politik dalam bentuk konvensional maupun non-konvensional dan sekaligus menyemai praktik demokrasi di Indonesia. Namun dinamika gerakan mahasiswa diwarnai beragam aksi represiberupa kekerasan oleh aparat pemerintah dan oleh mahasiswa sendiri sebagai respon terhadap penindasan. Artikel ini bertujuan untuk menjelaskan secara sosio-historis bentukbentuk gerakan mahasiswa sebagai manifestasi partisipasi politik dan kekerasan-kekerasan yang menyertainya. Artikel ini merupakan refleksi kritis terhadap dinamika perjuangan gerakan mahasiswa dalam kancah demokrasi nasional. Gerakan Mahasiswa dalam hal ini merupakan praksis sosial yang berlandaskan pada nilai-nilai moral untuk mewujudkan kehidupan masyarakat yang ideal. Untuk mewujudkan tujuan itu, Mahasiswa melakukankajian ilmiah, membentuk lembaga swadaya masyarakat, mobilisasi massa, demonstrasi atau protes, advokasi sosial dan intervensi kebijakan politis pemerintah. Kekerasan terhadap gerakan mahasiswa merupakan konsekuensi perjuangan mereka yang terkadang menentang kekuasaan dan status quo pemerintah. Perubahan sosial yang diperjuangkan mahasiswa butuh perjuangan dan pengorbanan. Kasus kerusuhan, penculikan dan pembunuhan mahasiwa setidaknya menggambarkan parade kekerasan yang dialami oleh gerakanmahasiswa.Kata Kunci: Demokrasi, partisipasi politik, kekerasan, gerakan mahasiswaABSTRACTThe student movement colored the development of democracy across the order of power in Indonesia. The dynamics of democracy in Indonesia cannot be separated from the various actions of the student movement as a form of moral and political action to fight for society from injustice and oppression. The student movement represents political participation in conventional and non-conventional forms and at the same time sowing the practice of democracy in Indonesia. But the dynamics of the student movement are colored by various acts of repression in the form of violence by government officials and by students themselves in response to oppression. This article aims to explainNomor 1, Meisocio-historically the forms of student movements as manifestations of political participation and the accompanying violence. This article is a critical reflection on the dynamics of the struggle of the student movement in the arena of national democracy. TheStudent Movement in this case is a social praxis based on moral values ?? to realize the ideal community life. To realize this goal, students conduct scientific studies, establish non-governmental organizations, mass mobilization, demonstrations or protests, social advocacy and government policy intervention. Violence against the student movement is a consequence of the struggle of those who sometimes oppose the power and status quo  of the government. The social change fought for by students needs struggle and sacrifice. Cases of riots, kidnappings and student killings at least illustrate the violent parade experienced by the student movementKeywords: Democracy, Political Participation, Violence, Students Movement


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ismail Suardi Wekke ◽  
Sidratahta Mukhtar

Indonesian student movement engages in political participation since Budi Oetomo declared Kebangkitan Nasional (national awakening) in 1908 to nowadays called reformation era. It proves that student activities in Indonesia a part of political process as “an extra parlement”. One of the student movements is Himpunan Mahasiswa Islam (HMI - The Association of Islamic University Students), a student movement shaped by Islamic value system. This paper tries to examine the practices of HMI in order to realize Islam as a way of life and a universal value relating to politics performance. This study was conducted in Himpunan Mahasiswa Islam, data were collected purposively in Jakarta. Interview with Pengurus Besar (National Board), non-participant observation and documentation study were arranged. The research shows that HMI (sixty years involvement) since 1947 is an instrumental part on Indonesian educational and political activities progress in enhancing and developing the potency of youth generation. Furthermore, this paper will give an example of activities that were designed not only to develop the students' skills of knowledge but also to raise awareness of political activities and how this relates to Islamic belief. Through involvement in wide range activity is one way to increase awareness among students of the possibilities to learn about and practice management and leadership skills. After graduation from the universities many students chair political party activities and appoint in various positions within government institutions. As a result, those activities allow them participate in Indonesia development and contribute to national progress that direct by Islamic belief, value and culture.


2019 ◽  
pp. 16-42
Author(s):  
Loren Collingwood ◽  
Benjamin Gonzalez O’Brien

This chapter examines how the Sanctuary Movement influenced the first city-level sanctuary declarations, as well as how these policies evolved from the 1980s to 2010s. Charting both shifts in the language of the policies themselves, as well as the political events leading to their passage, this chapter paints a picture of how conflicts over immigration enforcement and refugee policy have shaped modern sanctuary policies.


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 13
Author(s):  
Kidhot Kasjuaji

Student organizations have been acknowledged as vanguards and agents of social and political change in some parts of the world. In America, the dynamic student organizations cannot be set apart from American history. The upheaval of the 1960s signaled the advent of the New Left movement, comprising the Free Speech Movement (FSM) and Students for A Democratic Society (SDS). While, in the Indonesian experience, there was somewhat of a similarity of thought and spirit related with the role of student movements historically. Therefore, the study is intended to discover the emergence of the New Left in Europe and America, and expose the cultural hybridity-similarities and reasons of occurrence-of the American New Left and Indonesian student movement in the 1970s. This research is written under the American Studies discipline, specifically related to Transnational American Studies by employing cultural hybridity and border discourse. The finding shows that the ideology of the American New Left in the 1960s comprises of a means of globalizing the New Left in Europe and America, involving the universal ideas of inequality, communication, people migration, and social phenomena in the 1960s and the cultural hybridity of the ideology of the American New Left in the 1960s and the Indonesian student movement of the 1970s evidently showing that the New Left is a ‘third ideology’ by resisting two globalized ideologies during the 1960s, capitalism and communism. In addition, the locality or sustained values, which are democracy and social justice and the universal values shared of the American New Left, FSM and SDS, and the Indonesian student movement in the 1970s are anti-establishment and anti-capitalistic society.Keywords: New Left, ideology, cultural hybridity, border discourse, minority.


Author(s):  
Leoni Levi

Public attention has for some time past been earnestly directed to the introduction of the decimal system in our weights, measures, and coins. The nation is generally convinced, that the adoption of such a system would prove of immense benefit—that it would afford great facilities for calculations of all kinds, that it would shorten the work of education, that it would economise labour, and that it would diminish the chances of error. The Society of Arts, and other scientific societies, have investigated the subject in all its phases and bearings, and we have been expecting the speedy adoption of some practical plan which would be certain to confer so great a boon. Unfortunately, the Russian war, the Indian mutiny, and other political events, have rendered it necessary to put aside the consideration of many social reforms, and this, among the rest, shared the same fate. We have bestowed, also, far too much attention to the pound and mil scheme, as if upon it rested the entire question of decimalisation, and thus years have passed without a single step of a definite character being taken.


Elements ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Alec Walker

This paper deals with the West German student movement, which, like most student movements, was active in the 1960s and focused primarily on social issues. It attempts to interpret the critiques levied by the movement in relation to those events and thoughts which precededit.The author argues that there was a distinct rhetorical and philosophical connection betweeen the 68er-<em>Bewegung</em> and the critical theory of the Frankfurt School. This connection shapd the methods and goals of the student movement, which sought to integrate a process of comign to terms with the realities of Germany's fascist, anti-democratic past into the German mindset following the rich period of remarkable postwar economic development. These methods and influences, which are called "critical historical memory," are then argued to have been developed so as to bring to light the continued presence of fascistic tendencies in contemporary German politics, with the hope of coming to terms with the recent past.


2019 ◽  
Vol 77 (4) ◽  
pp. 329-364
Author(s):  
Louis Vos

In dit artikel wordt de rol geanalyseerd van kardinaal Suenens in de ontknoping van de kwestie ‘Leuven-Vlaams’. Zijn mandement van 13 mei 1966, dat ook door de andere Belgische bisschoppen werd ondertekend, leidde een halve eeuw geleden tot de splitsing van de Leuvense universiteit.Suenens’ beslissing in 1966 om de Franstalige afdeling in Leuven te handhaven, lokte groot verzet uit in Vlaanderen. Het kwam tot een revolte tegen het kerkelijk gezag, enerzijds omdat de katholieke Vlaamse opinie de autoritaire ‘verordening’ van de bisschoppen als autoritair klerikalisme verwierp, anderzijds omdat een permanente Franstalige aanwezigheid in Leuven in Vlaanderen gezien werd als een bedreiging van het Vlaamse karakter van Brabant. Dat was voor de Vlaamse beweging en politici ook daarom onaanvaardbaar, omdat pas in 1963 de taalgrens was vastgelegd met als bedoeling homogene taalgebieden te creëren, eentalig Nederlands in Vlaanderen, ééntalig Frans in Wallonië, en tweetalig in Brussel.Toen in januari 1968 de UCL blijkens haar expansieplan in Leuven wilde blijven, leidde dat tot een tweede revolte, die het hele Vlaamse land beroerde. Een eerste gevolg ervan was dat het eenheidsfront van de kerkelijke hiërarchie verloren ging en de Vlaamse en Waalse bisschoppen respectievelijk het standpunt van de eigen taalgemeenschap bijtraden. De facto liet vanaf toen het episcopaat de beslissing over Leuven over aan de politiek. Een tweede gevolg was dat de politieke partijen – te beginnen met de christendemocratische – uiteenvielen naar taalgroep, wat leidde tot de val van de regering, tot parlementsverkiezingen, en een nieuwe regering die de splitsing en overheveling van de UCL naar Louvain-la-Neuve realiseerde.De historische betekenis van Suenens’ optreden lag ten eerste op het niveau van de Kerk zelf, want door lijnrecht in te gaan tegen de verwachtingen in Vlaanderen betreffende een ééntalig Leuven, en door de autoritaire toon van het bisschoppelijk mandement, vernietigde het kerkelijk gezag zijn eigen autoriteit. Ten tweede versterkte dit optreden het Vlaams-nationalisme en de communautaire tegenstellingen in het land, zodat daarna staatshervormingen in federaliserende zin onvermijdelijk werden. Ten derde verschoof de focus van de Leuvense studentenbeweging van Vlaamsgezind verzet tegen de bisschoppelijke verklaring, naar antiklerikalisme en anti-autoritarisme, en daarna naar een globale nieuwlinkse maatschappijkritiek. Ze bleef na 1968 een decenniumlang de Leuvense studentenbeweging oriënteren.Al deze gevolgen waren tegengesteld aan wat Suenens had bedoeld met het mandement. Hij gaf daarom later toe zich te hebben vergist. Vier elementen helpen die vergissing te verklaren: het besloten Franstalig milieu waarin hij leefde; de normatieve verwachting die aan zijn rol van primaat aartsbisschop van België kleefde; de gedachte dat de eenheid van de ‘grootste katholieke universiteiten ter wereld’ een voorwaarde was voor haar internationale rol; en ten slotte ook persoonlijke elementen, zoals zijn elitaire levensloop en aristocratische persoonlijkheid. Ze droegen alle bij tot het politieke falen van de kerkvorst.__________ “A Wide Field for the Student Movement Lies Open.” On the Origin and Character of the Flemish Front Movement This article analyses Cardinal Suenens’ role in the conclusion of the issue ‘Leuven Vlaams’ [Leuven Flemish]. His directive of May 13, 1966 – also supported by the other Belgian bishops – ultimately resulted in the separation of the university in Leuven half a century ago.Suenens’ decision in 1966 to maintain a Francophone branch at the university in Leuven had sparked great opposition in Flanders. This would culminate into a revolt against the clerical authorities because, on the one hand, the Catholic Flemish opinion designated the bishops’ rigid ‘ordinance’ as authoritarian clericalism, and because, on the other hand, a permanent Francophone presence in Leuven was considered a threat to the Flemish character of the province of Brabant. Consequently, the Flemish movement and politicians deemed this unacceptable, and were further emboldened by the fact that as recently as 1963 the linguistic border had been consolidated, which was intended to create linguistically homogenous regions: monolingual in Flanders and Wallonia, and bilingual in Brussels.When in January 1968 the UCL’s expansion plans conveyed its intentions to remain in Leuven, it sparked a second revolt that swept the entire Flemish land. A first consequence was the dissolution of the ecclesiastical hierarchy’s unity, as Flemish and Walloon bishops supported their own linguistic communities’ stance, ultimately leading to the episcopate relinquishing the decision over Leuven to politics. A second consequence was that political parties – starting with the Christian-democrats – disbanded and realigned along the linguistic fault line, which led to the fall of the government, parliamentary elections and a new government that implemented the separation and subsequence transfer of the UCL to Louvain-la-Neuve.The historical relevance of Suenens’ demea-nour is first of all related to the Catholic Church itself. The stark clash with Flemish expectations regarding a unilingual university at Leuven, and the authoritarian tone of the bishop’s directive had led to the abrogation of his pre-eminence by the clerical authorities. Secondly, his conduct strengthened Flemish nationalism and the country’s communitarian cleavage, thereby rendering the subsequent state reforms to federalism inevitable. Finally, Suenens’ stance transformed the student movement in Leuven, entailing a shift from Flemish opposition to the bishop’s decree towards anti-clericalism and anti-authoritarianism. This would subsequently contribute to the emergence of a general New Left critical orientation, which influenced the student movements for over a decade following 1968.All these effects were the exact reverse of the directive’s intentions. That is why Suenens later admitted that he had made a mistake. Four elements help to explain that error: the closed Francophone milieu in which he lived; the normative expectations that were associated with his role as Belgian’s archbishop; the presumption that the unity of ‘the biggest Catholic university in the world’ was a prerequisite for its international stature; and finally his personality, including his elite upbringing and aristocratic personality. These all contributed to the prelate’s political downfall.


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