scholarly journals Emblems of the Post-Soviet Donetsk Region: Official Ones «From the Bossmen», Upgrades «From the People», Alternatives From the «Russian World» Supporters

Author(s):  
Kyrylo Mieliekiestsev ◽  

The purpose of the article is the analysis of the development of Donetsk region emblems (official heraldry and vexillology of Donetsk Oblast, reflection of historical themes in commercial nomenclature, reinterpretations of official symbols by individuals) in 1991–2015, identifying the main trends in the development of emblems, their connections with the views of customers and authors on history and politics, transformations of symbolics. The methodology of the research is based on the principles of historicism, objectivity, and systematics. General scientific and special-historical methods were used, such as content analysis, generalization, chronological, retrospective methods. The scientific novelty is based on it being the first attempt to generalize various elements of emblem studies of the Donetsk region, for the first time going beyond the official heraldry and vexillology of the Oblast, while considering their transformation in the hands of non-state actors. Conclusions. The post-Soviet era emblems of Donetsk and the Donetsk Oblast were developed in a unique situation: on the one hand local elites wanted to move away from Soviet symbols and modernize Donetsk as a “brand”, and on the other hand, due to the peculiarities of these elites’ education, origins and political preferences, did not perceive the region’s history. outside of the Soviet stereotypes about “Donbas as the economic center.” As a result, local elites ignored Cossack history of the Donetsk region in contrast to the perpetuation of industrial achievements of the Russian Empire (such as the Oblast’s coat of arms motto with a quote from Dmitri Mendeleev, “The Mertsalov Palm Tree”, as well as various “John Hughes/Yuz” nomenclature). Over the decades, there has been a divergence of traditions of Donetsk emblem use: official, business, and national-patriotic. At the same time, pro-Moscow organizations have been developing and imposing a separate emblem tradition since 1991, based on historical myths around the Donetsk-Kryvyi Rih Soviet Republic, but detached from both the old Soviet symbols and the new official Donetsk emblems. The latter were developed to symbolize the “uniqueness” of eastern Ukraine, the “separateness” of Donetsk region, but did not actually intersperse with Russian symbols (with the exception of the Russian-language motto). In this form, it did not meet the goals of Moscow’s agents of influence, but was accepted and reworked by pro-Ukrainian patriotic forces. Thus, the use of one or the other version of Donetsk region symbols indicates a person’s political beliefs, their understanding of regional history and “memory politics” around it.

1997 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 169-183 ◽  
Author(s):  
JAMES WALSTON

The history of fascism in Italy has been extensively covered while fascist Italy's role in colonies before the war, and occupied areas during it, have only been touched upon. There has been little or no coming to terms with fascist crimes comparable to the French concern with Vichy or even the Japanese recognition of its wartime and pre-war responsibilities. This article uses Italy's internment policy in Africa before the war and in the Balkans and Italy during the war to illustrate the repression of historical memory. On the one hand, foreign Jews were interned to protect them from deportation by German, Croatian or Vichy French forces. The reasons were political and humanitarian. On the other, Balkan civilians were interned in conditions that led to the death of thousands. Similar and worse policies had been carried out in Africa before the war. There is some excellent specialist work on Africa which is not part of general knowledge; the Balkans have not even been covered by specialists. This article puts forward some explanations for the repression of the recent past.


2020 ◽  
pp. 36-49
Author(s):  
L. N. Zhukova ◽  

The paper considers one of the main landscape codes of Kolyma Yukaghir hunters and fishermen, namely, the code of water / river. The significance of the water resources of the forest and taiga zone as lactating, transporting, and serving as a reference point in space is captured in the oral folklore of the forest Yukaghirs (Oduls). The image, functions, and significance of water/river according to folklore genres are considered. The pagan appeals to the deified “nursing” elements, their attendant rites, and modern functioning are analyzed. Lyric songs are closely adjacent to this genre, with the maternal nature of the water element functionally highlighted in them. In prosaic texts, the poetic component of the macro image of the water / river is reduced, and the text can directly or indirectly report a real or potential danger emanating from the water. The nursing function of the elements in them is only implied; the river acts as a transport artery, serving as a landmark on the ground. The ambivalent symbolism of water is clearly reflected in the ancient fairy-tale cycle about Mythical old peoplecannibals, legends about the struggle with neighboring peoples, little stories. In the stories about shamans, the magical power of water is actualized. The analysis of the multi-genre texts showed the ambivalence of the water element, on the one hand, lyrically sung in songs and ritual folklore, on the other, bearing a real threat and the potentiality of meeting with hostile creatures. The basis of this algorithm is the feeling of constant anxiety, the need for a quick response, and the adoption of protective responses. The factors identified could influence the formation of the ethno-psychological world of the northern nomad.


Author(s):  
Sadhana Naithani

Folklore in Baltic History: Resistance and Resurgence is a study of how the discipline of folklore studies was treated under the totalitarian rule of the USSR in the Baltic countries of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania from 1945 to 1991 and what role the study of folklore has played since independence in 1991. It is a “dramatic history” of what happened to folklorists, folklore archives and folklore departments in the universities under the Soviet rule. On the one hand was a coercive and brutal state and on the other peoples conscious of their national, cultural and linguistic identity as comprised in their folklore. On the one hand, scholars and archivists fell in line and on the other, continued to subvert the coercion by devising ingenious ways of communicating among themselves. When freedom came in 1991 they were ready to create the record of undocumented brutality by documenting life stories and oral history. Sadhana Naithani juxtaposes the work of folklore scholars in the Baltic countries between 1945 and 1991 to the life of the people in the same period to reach an evaluation of the Baltic folkloristics. She concludes that the study of folklore has been an act of resistance and has aided in the resurgence of freedom and identity in the post-Soviet Baltic countries.


2020 ◽  
pp. 088832542095349
Author(s):  
Martyna Grądzka-Rejak ◽  
Jan Olaszek

The article analyzes discussions around the documentary film Shoah, by Claude Lanzmann, conducted in the uncensored press in communist Poland. In the literature on the subject, a popular thesis claims that the democratic opposition in Poland, like the authorities of the Polish People’s Republic, subjected this film to explicit criticism. The authors’ research into discussions about the Holocaust in the Polish independent press leads to the opposite conclusion. Ours analysis shows that authors publishing in the underground press had varied reactions to Lanzmann’s film. Voices opposing the official campaign against the director and his film predominate (which did not mean a complete lack of criticism vis-à-vis some of the movie’s features). We found only two opinions that can be considered clearly negative. The debate about Lanzmann’s film is important because it shows the complexity of the democratic opposition’s attitude of toward Polish-Jewish history and memory. In the opposition elite’s view of history, two currents ran in parallel, often in statements authored by the same people. On the one hand, the trend was primarily affirmative, as a reaction to the communist propaganda that bypassed or completely distorted some aspects of Polish history. On the other hand, there was also a tendency to include more controversial or even clearly shameful aspects of the history of Poland.


2005 ◽  
Vol 67 (2) ◽  
pp. 257-282 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas W. Merrill

In hisHistory of England, David Hume suggests that the doctrine of resistance should be concealed from the populace. But this suggestion in the very public location of theHistoryhas the effect of revealing this doctrine as much as concealing it. How should we understand this perplexing rhetorical strategy? Hume's paradoxical rhetoric is a symptom of the problem that the right of rebellion poses for every political society. On the one hand, the right of rebellion undeniably exists; on the other, no regime can recognize that right fully. The problem of rebellion thus reveals the simultaneous necessity and limitations of law. Hume's playful, transparent rhetoric is intended to compel us to reflect upon the deeper tension between liberty and authority in every political society and to furnish us with an example of how that tension might be prudently and honestly handled.At a pivotal moment in theHistory of England, Hume writes: “If ever, on any occasion, it were laudable to hide truth from the populace, it must be confessed, that the doctrine of resistance affords such an example; and that all speculative reasoners ought to observe, with regard to this principle, the same cautious silence which the laws, in every species of government, have ever prescribed to themselves.” On its face, this is a recommendation that the “doctrine of resistance,” perhaps the most important principle of modern liberalism, be kept a secret, hidden away from the people at large.


Author(s):  
L. S. Gushchian ◽  

The mechanisms of formation of the Iranian funds of the Russian Ethnographic Museum are analyzed in the article. The series of collections acquired at the beginning of the 20th century for this collection, indicates the relevant interest towards the multi-ethnic culture of Iran, in which female images, with an outstandingly exotic character for Europeans, have a special place. The accompanying archival materials of the collections, in particular, the correspondence between expeditionist-collector S.  Ter-Avetisyan, a student of the Imperial St. Petersburg university, and the curator of the museum K. Inostrantsev, demonstrate, on the one hand, the wide range of research programs of the orientalist s tudents at the beginning of the last century, and on the other, a researcher’s high status in the Russian Empire


Klio ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 95 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mait Kõiv

SummaryThe article discusses the development of ethnic and political identities, and the related traditions concerning the past, in Archaic and Classical Elis and Pisa. It shows that the earliest signs of Pisatan identity can be traced to the sixth century BC, and that the Eleans of the valley of Peneios on the one hand, and the people dwelling in the valley of Alpheios (i.e. the Pisatans) and the so-called Triphylia farther south on the other, nourished distinct traditions about their heroic past, which reflect distinct ethnic identities. Instead of assuming that the Pisatans as a group was intentionally constructed and its ‚history‘ invented during the political disturbances of the fourth century BC, we must accept that the Eleans and the Pisatans had since an early period developed and mutually re-negotiated the traditions confirming their identities and promoting their interests in the changing historical conditions.


Author(s):  
Seyyed Mohammad Razavi ◽  
Marziyeh Saemi

The history of the Bible implies that the Torah has been formed and distorted over time. The Qur'an also confirms this issue. The Holy Qur'an, in addition to introducing the Jews as the People of the Book, uses the word "Torah" eighteen times, "which is a collection of divine teachings bestowed on Prophet Moses." On the one hand, the Holy Qur'an acknowledges and affirms it, and on the other hand, it attributes distortion to this book and introduces the Torah as one of the books that has been distorted throughout history, however, the holy Qur’an considers the part of the Torah that has been preserved to contain the teachings of God and can be acknowledged in general, and considers it a means of guiding the Jewish people and advises them to refer to it. The collection of information in this writing is library-based and their processing is descriptive-analytical. This article seeks to prove the view that the current Torah, with its various versions, has been disappeared in the ups and downs of the times, and that what exists is a very blurred and inconsistent face of the original version, and the Holy Qur'an confirms this.


Early China ◽  
2004 ◽  
Vol 29 ◽  
pp. 1-44 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yuri Pines

Recently discovered epigraphic sources of Qin's history often seem to contradict the conventional wisdom regarding the history of this state. Thus, the recently published inscription on the jade tablets records a prayer to Mountain Hua by one of the last Qin kings, in which the latter surprisingly laments the demise of the Zhou house–an action for which traditionally Qin was blamed. On the other hand, some of the Shuihudi Qin statutes contain equally surprising statements according to which the Qin populace on the eve of the imperial unification was clearly differentiated from the members of the Xia ethno-cultural community. In both cases the apparent contradiction between the new evidence and the conventional interpretation of the received texts caused most of the scholars to neglect the confusing evidence altogether or to reinterpret it in accord with the traditional views.In my paper, I suggest that the new evidence can be reconciled with the received texts, if due attention is paid to the complexity of cultural and political dynamics in the state of Qin prior to the imperial unification of 221 B.C.E. During the last two centuries of the Warring States period Qin appears to be engulfed in two contradictory processes of estrangement from and re-integration with the “Central States.” On the one hand, radical reforms of the mid-fourth century B.C.E. brought about not only sociopolitical but also cultural changes, creating the cultural gap between Qin and the rest of the Zhou world. Concomitantly, endless military conflicts between Qin and its neighbors further strengthened the cohesiveness of Qin's populace, increasing furthermore the sense of antagonism between the people of Qin, particularly among the lower strata, and the dwellers of eastern states. On the other hand, however, Qin's eventual separation from the rest of the Zhou world was counterbalanced by the equally powerful integrative factors. The influx of eastern advisors perpetuated cultural ties between Qin and its neighbors, while the desire of Qin rulers to facilitate incorporation of the eastern territories into their expanding realm dictated a more flexible policy of building rather than destroying political and cultural bridges with the Zhou world. Understanding this ongoing tension between conflicting integrative and centrifugal tendencies allows us to build a new interpretative framework for the Qin history, fully incorporating the received and the unearthed texts.


Author(s):  
Colby Dickinson

In his somewhat controversial book Remnants of Auschwitz, Agamben makes brief reference to Theodor Adorno’s apparently contradictory remarks on perceptions of death post-Auschwitz, positions that Adorno had taken concerning Nazi genocidal actions that had seemed also to reflect something horribly errant in the history of thought itself. There was within such murderous acts, he had claimed, a particular degradation of death itself, a perpetration of our humanity bound in some way to affect our perception of reason itself. The contradictions regarding Auschwitz that Agamben senses to be latent within Adorno’s remarks involve the intuition ‘on the one hand, of having realized the unconditional triumph of death against life; on the other, of having degraded and debased death. Neither of these charges – perhaps like every charge, which is always a genuinely legal gesture – succeed in exhausting Auschwitz’s offense, in defining its case in point’ (RA 81). And this is the stance that Agamben wishes to hammer home quite emphatically vis-à-vis Adorno’s limitations, ones that, I would only add, seem to linger within Agamben’s own formulations in ways that he has still not come to reckon with entirely: ‘This oscillation’, he affirms, ‘betrays reason’s incapacity to identify the specific crime of Auschwitz with certainty’ (RA 81).


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