scholarly journals Introduction

2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-8 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mette-Louise Johansen ◽  
Therese Sandrup ◽  
Nerina Weiss

Moral outrage has until now been conceptualized as a call to action, a reaction to injustice and transgressions, and a forceful motor for democratic participation, acts of civil disobedience, and violent and illicit action. This introduction goes beyond linear causality between trigger events, political emotions, and actions to explore moral outrage as it is experienced and expressed in contexts of political violence, providing a better understanding of that emotion’s generic power. Moral outrage is here understood as a multidimensional emotion that may occur momentarily and instantly, and exist as an enduring process and being-in-the-world, based on intergenerational experiences of violence, state histories, or local contexts of fear and anxiety. Because it appears in the intersubjective field, moral outrage is central for identity politics and social positioning, so we show how moral outrage may be a prism to investigate and understand social processes such as mobilization, collectivities, moral positioning and responsiveness, and political violence.

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 232-250
Author(s):  
Maxime Gaborit

Abstract Since 2018, climate mobilizations have been shaping political life in Europe. Young people are at the heart of this mobilization, both because of their massive nationwide presence in intergenerational demonstrations, but also because of their own modes of action, such as the climate strikes that have been emerging since January 2019. Within these mobilizations, forms of radicalism are expressed through an important support for civil disobedience, such as blocking actions, as well as support – for a significant part of protestors – for material damage. This paper analyzes the new forms of youth radicalism in their link to the social determinations of the awareness of the climate catastrophe. Based on a demonstration survey concerning three French cities for the strike of March 15, 2019, and in Paris for the strike of September 20th, which collected more than 1,800 questionnaires, this paper sets out to show the sociological profiles of radical individuals, which distinguish themselves by significant cultural capital and left-wing familial political socialization. The exploitation of the data collected shows that these new forms of radicalism are conditioned by an awareness of the climate emergency, deeply linked to family legacies and specific academic curricula. The radicalization of inherited dispositions leads these individuals to go beyond the legality/illegality framework, and to favor a debate on the effectiveness of the means of action, in which the link with conventional democratic participation is constantly questioned.


2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 85-93 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Hervik

This afterword offers reflections on some major points of this section concerning the generative power linking moral outrage to political violence. The authors have successfully taken up a topic of immense relevance and urgency in contemporary society. Their efforts are a first important step to address this from an empirical, analytical, and theoretical framework. In the afterword, I seek to add further perspectives to some of the findings, including a focus on moral outrage that situates it not strictly within personality as a preexisting universal that waits for someone to wake it up but rather in an approach to emotions as embedded within cultural understandings with an emphasis on the strategic side of the production of moral outrage in creating both positive and negative change.


Author(s):  
Kenneth Owen

When ordinary citizens participated in the American Revolution, they did so in order to secure control of their own political institutions. This issue—the establishment of a political framework in which ordinary citizens operated the levers of power—was the central question of the American Revolution. The Revolution was not epiphenomenal to broader issues of class, ethnicity, gender, or race. Pennsylvanians during the revolutionary era adopted a wide toolkit of political mechanisms to control government, including town meetings, county committees, pamphleteering, civil disobedience, and political violence. These institutions shaped and structured the nature of American democracy, politics, and governance long after the revolutionary fervor of 1776 had subsided. This introduction provides an overview of the methodologies and arguments used to analyze this political activism.


2019 ◽  
Vol 63 (3) ◽  
pp. 540-559
Author(s):  
Mario Krämer

Abstract:“Political violence” is seemingly on the rise again in KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa. The violence that began in the 1980s and reached a peak in the transition period resurfaced before the local government elections in August 2016. Krämer provides a processual understanding of local dynamics of violence in the eThekwini Municipality and situates the current episode within the historical trajectory of violent conflict. He examines how exclusionary identities get activated in local elections and argues that underlying the violence between supporters of hostile political parties are conflicting forms of autochthonous belonging and contradictory ideas about what constitutes membership in a community.


1974 ◽  
Vol 3 (5) ◽  
pp. 403
Author(s):  
Saul Brenner ◽  
Ernest van den Haag

2017 ◽  
Vol 44 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 186-215
Author(s):  
Béla Bodó

This article examines the memory of the Red and White Terrors as they relate to public monuments after the collapse of state socialism. It shows how the memory of political violence has been exploited and instrumentalized by various actors to achieve political and cultural ends, and the role of civic organizations and private individuals in keeping the memory of these two key events in Hungarian history alive. Finally, the article discusses the commoditization of memory and memory practices in the last fifteen years, and the role of the Red and White Terror in identity politics.


1997 ◽  
Vol 36 (4II) ◽  
pp. 715-742
Author(s):  
Mohammad Wseem

Conflicts in Pakistan emanate from a configuration of factors relating to the state system, the unstable regional setting, and the global system at large. The state system in Pakistan has been characterised by problems of constitutionally underdeveloped provincial set-ups, dysfunctionality of elections for the prevalent system perceived by a privileged migrant leadership, a centralist authority structure, and a domineering role of army. During the last five decades, the state system passed through various phases of centralism, populism, and constitutional engineering by the military-bureaucratic establishment as well as Islamisation, largely at the expense of provincial autonomy and a sense of participation in the business of the state shared by all communities. Non-recognition of electoral mandate as the final source of legitimacy led to the emergence of ethnic movements in East Pakistan, the NWFP, Balochistan, and Sindh. The perceived Punjabisation of the state has created feelings of ethnic hostility among all regions other than Punjab. Social insecurities caused by rapid social change, such as urbanisation in general and in-migration in Karachi in particular, have fuelled ethnic hatred all around. Similarly, the influx of refugees from neighbouring countries, along with arms and drug trafficking, has led to new patterns of identity politics and higher levels of political violence. The state's relative non-performance at the local level has pushed many sectarian groups to exit from the parliamentary framework of politics towards a blatant use of arms. What)s needed is the creation of a third tier of government at the district and sub-district levels. At the top of the priority list should be a policy of decentralisation and continuity in the electoral process to bring the recalcitrant elements into the mainstream, de-weaponisation, and strengthening of political parties as interest-aggregating and policy-bearing institutions.


Author(s):  
Antonio Sánchez-Bayón ◽  
Jesús J. Sánchez-Barricarte

This is a study of Political Economy on religion and migration management in the United States of America (USA). This paper offers a review of migrants-citizens relations in the USA, with attention to the pendulum effect, moving from integration policies (open doors and melting pot agenda) to official persecution (raids and deportations), with a high social opportunity cost. There has been a split between the State and civil society, causing civil disobedience and sanctuary network across the country. Also, it is paid attention to the American post-modern paradox, as a result of culture wars and identity politics that imply a violation of American constitutional principles (i.e. religious liberty, freedom of movement, to pursuit the happiness). Special attention is paid to the development of the Sanctuary Movement, as an ongoing example of the sociocultural upheaval bringing grassroots society into confrontation with powerful elites by promoting resistance and offering help to the needy, even if this results in sanctions. This movement was revitalized after the values crisis of 2008, but it has also been polarized between those who follow the traditional approach to socio-religious action in the form of peaceful civil disobedience, and those who follow the ideological anti-system and communitarian approach, which causes greater tension for the immigrants themselves


Author(s):  
Tahir Abbas

This chapter explores how the debate on multiculturalism has securitized the issue of integration, problematizing the ‘Muslimness’ of Muslims in questions of political violence and extremism. This dynamic combines a set of cultural, political, theological and sociological debates around identity and belonging. It also connects with issues of immigration, integration, intelligence, counterterrorism, policymaking and securitization, and in the process, further ‘othering’ an already beleaguered body of people. Given the current reductions to public spending in most Global North economies, the ongoing impact of the war on terror, and limited community, cultural and intellectual development, the challenges facing Muslim minorities are likely to endure for the near future. While the Middle East is currently facing its own internal trials and tribulations, and the wider Muslim world often lags behind the West when it comes to technological advances, divisions are likely to increase and tensions grow as the global continues to intersect with the local in shaping and playing out identity politics.


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