scholarly journals Functional multi-track and multilevel economic diplomacy to strengthen trade relations between Indonesia, Chile, and Peru

2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 88-107
Author(s):  
Fredy B.L. Tobing ◽  
Asra Virgianita

English abstract: This article analyzes the causes of low trade relations between Indonesia and Latin American states, arguing that dynamics of international political economy have opened opportunities to increase trade relations between those countries. Having good diplomatic and political relations with similar emerging economies, like Peru and Chile, should drive closer economic relations among them. A qualitative study was conducted using literature reviews, archival analysis, and in-depth interviews. Political will and lack of knowledge pertaining to the business character of each country hamper external relations. Thus, a functional multi-track diplomacy that incorporates state and non-state actors from various fields is crucial for enhancing economic relations among these countries. Trade relations can be particularly strengthened by maximizing cooperation among actors at various levels.Spanish abstract: Este artículo analiza las débiles relaciones comerciales entre Indonesia y América Latina, argumentando que la dinámica de la economía política abre oportunidades para mejorar estas relaciones. Las buenas relaciones diplomáticas y políticas entre Perú y Chile, debería estrechar sus relaciones económicas. Pero la escasa voluntad política y falta de conocimiento del carácter empresarial de cada país, obstaculizan sus relaciones externas. La investigación incluyó revisión de literatura, análisis de archivos y entrevistas en profundidad. Los resultados subrayan la necesidad de una diplomacia funcional de múltiples rutas que incorpore instituciones estatales y no estatales de diversos campos para mejorar las relaciones económicas. Las relaciones comerciales particularmente pueden fortalecerse entre países maximizando su recíproca cooperación en cada nivel (diplomacia multinivel).French abstract: Cet article analyse les causes de la faiblesse des relations commerciales entre l’Indonésie et les pays d’Amérique latine en faisant valoir que la dynamique de l’économie politique internationale a ouvert des opportunités pour stimuler les relations commerciales entre ces pays. Cette étude qualitative a été menée sur la base d’une étude de la littérature existante, d’analyses archivistiques et d’entretiens approfondis. Le manque de volonté politique et surtout de connaissances réciproques des atouts commerciaux de ces pays entravent leurs relations extérieures. Ainsi, une diplomatie fonctionnelle à plusieurs voies qui intègre des diplomaties étatiques et non-étatiques dans divers domaines est-elle cruciale pour améliorer leurs relations économiques. Les relations commerciales peuvent notamment être renforcées en maximisant la coopération entre ces pays à chaque niveau (diplomatie multi-niveaux).

Author(s):  
Özlem SÖKMEN GÜRÇAM

Declaring its independence in 1991, Azerbaijan faced many economic, financial and political problems, but since 1995 the country has grown substantially. The most important economic power in the country is on oil, natural gas and suitable agricultural lands. After Azerbaijan gained its independence, it started to search for markets and headed for foreign trade and in this way continued its dependence in the region. In the first years of its independence, a significant share of the country's foreign trade was with the Commonwealth of Independent States. In foreign trade, the country has an important share, especially in terms of oil and natural gas exports. Since Azerbaijan exports more than its imports every year, it is a country that gives a surplus in foreign trade balance. Turkey was the first country that accepts the independence of Azerbaijan. Declared the independence of Azerbaijan and Turkey should accept the independence of both political and economic issues of both countries have shown they are friendly. Current conjuncture in Turkey and Azerbaijan as a nation they were two brothers and two friendly states with state motto always wished they bring. It was first represented as Consulate and the Embassy of Azerbaijan in Turkey. Also at the same time, economic relations and trade relations have kept alive only Azerbaijan political relations with Turkey aimed at animation. For this reason, the two countries have signed a Trade and Economic Cooperation Agreement. Trade relations between Turkey and Azerbaijan still maintains its sustainability today. This study examines the foreign trade of Azerbaijan's economy in the coming period and the course has a very significant share of the Azerbaijan foreign trade with Turkey until today. Keywords: Foreign Trade, Export, Import, Azerbaijan and Turkey.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Minh Thi Thanh Le

<p>Interdependence theory of liberalism with the core meaning that economic interdependence can foster peace had explained many case studies in the world. The purpose of this thesis is to prove that interdependence theory also explains best the Vietnam-US economic trade relations after the two countries normalized their diplomatic relations in 1995 with the meaning that the US-Vietnam's increased economic trade relations improve their political and diplomatic relation. After the Vietnam War ended, Vietnam-US relations were completely frozen. By 1995, the two countries normalized their diplomatic relations and they started to trade with each other. Up until now, the two countries achieved great trade development through both bilateral economic relations and international organizations. The strong development of US-Vietnam trade economic relations has improved their political and diplomatic relations. Based on interdependence theory of liberalism, this argument is proved by five main points: First, since 1995 the economic trade relations provided more valuable benefits than the wartime so that the two countries want to trade with each other and avoid conflicts. Second, the development and expansion of trade and economic relations have positive effects which spillover to other sectors, creating a favorable environment to promote military and diplomacy relations between the two countries. Third, increases in the trade and economic relations lead to enhance communication, cooperation, trust, dependency between the two countries thus reduce misunderstanding and the likelihood of conflicts. Then, when trade relations increase, common economic interests between the US and Vietnam also enhance, making the two countries closer to each other and likely to use negotiations and diplomacy to solve problems that do arise between the relations of the two countries. Finally, the economic trade relations of the two countries through international organizations provides forums for the US and Vietnam to communicate and solve problems that do arise between them. In future, it is predicted that the economic dependence between the two countries will develop further. Therefore, the US-Vietnamese political and diplomatic relations continue to be strengthened in the future.</p>


Author(s):  
Felipe Gustavo Koch Buttelli

Este artigo apresenta um importante assunto para a reflexão teológica latino-americana. Seu primeiro movimento é uma incursão na reflexão sobre pobreza. Apresentamos brevemente algumas das principais percepções de pobreza sociologicamente. Como a modernidade mudou a concepção de pobreza e progressivamente criou uma percepção negativa do pobre. Como isso nos afeta no Brasil e quais os efeitos da compreensão espiritual e neoliberal de pobreza para as lutas por justiça e libertação. O segundo movimento parte da noção de justiça, apresentado pelo evangelho de Mateus, como o modelo de relação, também econômica, exigido por Cristo para o seu povo e todo o mundo. O artigo apresenta também alguns dos principais aspectos que são exigidos para a relação da justiça no mundo contemporâneo, especialmente no hemisfério Sul, para vermos qual é nossa contribuição para que o “novo” possa emergir: relações econômicas, relações culturais, relações políticas, relações sexuais, relações de gênero e, por último, relações epistemológicas e teológicas. This paper deals with an important subject for the Latin American theological reflection. Its first movement is an incursion on the reflection about poverty. We will briefly check some of the main perceptions of poverty in a sociological way. How modernity changed the understanding of poverty and progressively created a negative perception of the poor. How it affected us in Brazil and what the effects of the neoliberal and spiritual understanding of poverty to the struggles for justice and liberation. The second movement will drink from the notion of justice, strongly presented in the gospel of Matthew, as the model of relation, also economic, demanded by Christ for his people and for the whole world. Some of the main aspects which demand us a plight for justice in the contemporary world, especially experienced in the Southern hemisphere will be presented, in order to see what is the contribution we can make to help the “new” to emerge in: economic relations, cultural relations, political relations, sexual relations, gender relations and lastly epistemological and theological relations. 


2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 73-76
Author(s):  
Arshela Arapi ◽  
Valentina Duka

Abstract France had trade deals with several Balkan countries, which were often carried out by private firms that exchanged mutual interest. It would be of interest that even with Albania resumed exchanges for a category of articles despite the lack of a regular convention. Their purpose was to resume the works on kerosene requirements. This brought about the improvement of the Albanian economy and meeting the needs of the France for these products, which in turn strengthened even more the economic and political relations of the two countries. With the insistence of the French side, on August 1956, a trade agreement was signed between Albania and France, where the French Government allowed the exchange of goods between the two countries as a compensation to French firms seeking to collaborate with our country. It is worth pointing out that the trade relations that Albania had with France until 1964 was generally satisfactory. Albania's export and import plans were satisfactorily fulfilled and a better basis for new successes in forecasts and plans for the future in 1965 was provided. In the official talks with the French side in mid eighties, the Albanian side proposed the establishment of a joint group within the Chambers of Commerce to look at the possibilities of France purchasing our minerals and the possibilities of Albania buying their equipment. Based on the credits opened by French firms and our foreign trade enterprises, the release of the respective goods was followed in both directions. Thus, our companies have been releasing confectionery, towels, clothespins, chairs etc. French companies have continued to release electronic equipment, clay, oil spill delta and various exchange parts. Several other economic agreements were signed between two countries which increased the level of Albanian exports towards France.


2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-50
Author(s):  
Harjeet singh Sandhu

The multilateral trade among countries is governed by the rules of the game set out by international institutions such as GATT (1948-95) and WTO (since 1995), but the bilateral trade between countries is practically governed by their political relations and strategic interests. This is equally true about the trade relations between India and Bhutan. Since independence, trade relations between India and Bhutan are governed by Indo-Bhutan friendship treaty 1949. Since the signing of this treaty, Indo-Bhutan bilateral relations are operating under the free trade regime till now. It is important to know how these relations are affected by the changing political and economic environment in this era of globalization. Foreign trade is most important indicator that reveals the health of political as well as economic relations among the nations. Rising volume of trade, trade intensity and complementary indices among nations are signs of healthy political and economic relations. In this paper, analysis of trade relations between India and Bhutan has been done by using statistical techniques of trade openness, trade intensity and export complementarity in order to understand the bilateral ties between two nations in a broader way.


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 34
Author(s):  
Anastasiia Khmel ◽  
Iryna Tykhonenko

In the article, the authors analyzed successes and failings of the Ukrainian economic diplomacy in Latin America region. Such results were achieved by analyzing the degree of scientific investigation the possibilities, features and basic characteristics of economic diplomacy by contemporary Ukrainian and foreign researchers, as well as by analyzing the websites of Ukrainian embassies in Latin American countries and using the information of the State Statistics Service of Ukraine and mass media. Researchers drew attention to the peculiarities of economic relations between Ukraine and Latin America countries. It has been found that bilateral relations between Ukraine and Latin American countries are generally poorly developed, the embassies of Ukraine exist only in five countries: Mexico, Cuba, Argentina, Brazil and Chile, and these embassies in turn represent Ukraine’s national interests in 15 other Latin American countries. Ukraine has the most well-established economic relations with the first five above-mentioned countries as a result of economic diplomacy. It was concluded that Ukrainian economic diplomacy has some achievements (the developing of volume of export-import operations between Ukraine and all regional countries, except Cuba, and the opening of the honorary consulate in Chile) and failings (the lack of diplomatic missions in all LA countries, problems with updating information on planned activities in the economic sphere (2015, 2016) on the embassies’ web-site, negative trade balance for Ukraine).


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Minh Thi Thanh Le

<p>Interdependence theory of liberalism with the core meaning that economic interdependence can foster peace had explained many case studies in the world. The purpose of this thesis is to prove that interdependence theory also explains best the Vietnam-US economic trade relations after the two countries normalized their diplomatic relations in 1995 with the meaning that the US-Vietnam's increased economic trade relations improve their political and diplomatic relation. After the Vietnam War ended, Vietnam-US relations were completely frozen. By 1995, the two countries normalized their diplomatic relations and they started to trade with each other. Up until now, the two countries achieved great trade development through both bilateral economic relations and international organizations. The strong development of US-Vietnam trade economic relations has improved their political and diplomatic relations. Based on interdependence theory of liberalism, this argument is proved by five main points: First, since 1995 the economic trade relations provided more valuable benefits than the wartime so that the two countries want to trade with each other and avoid conflicts. Second, the development and expansion of trade and economic relations have positive effects which spillover to other sectors, creating a favorable environment to promote military and diplomacy relations between the two countries. Third, increases in the trade and economic relations lead to enhance communication, cooperation, trust, dependency between the two countries thus reduce misunderstanding and the likelihood of conflicts. Then, when trade relations increase, common economic interests between the US and Vietnam also enhance, making the two countries closer to each other and likely to use negotiations and diplomacy to solve problems that do arise between the relations of the two countries. Finally, the economic trade relations of the two countries through international organizations provides forums for the US and Vietnam to communicate and solve problems that do arise between them. In future, it is predicted that the economic dependence between the two countries will develop further. Therefore, the US-Vietnamese political and diplomatic relations continue to be strengthened in the future.</p>


2015 ◽  
Vol 12 (20) ◽  
Author(s):  
VERA LUCIA VIEIRA

Resumen: En este artá­culo, se analiza el impacto del cambio de la mayor colonia portuguesa en las Américas en Reino Unido de Portugal, y de Brasil, y del Algarves, en el marco del Congreso de Viena. En 1820, el movimiento liberal portugués, a través de la revolución de Porto, exigió el retorno del Rey Don Juan VI después que en 1822, se proclamó la independencia de la ex colonia, todavá­a bajo los auspicios de la familia real portuguesa, encabezada por el primer heredero de los Braganza y Bourbon, el prá­ncipe regente Don Pedro de Alcá¢ntara. Inaugúrase, entonces, no una República, como ocurre en otras regiones de América Latina, sino un Imperio, el de Brasil, todavá­a vinculado a lógica de la polá­tica de Portugal y de la casa de Bragança, aunque por presupuesto, desvinculado formalmente de la antigua metrópoli. En medio a los antagonismos polá­ticos, económicos e ideológicos que dividen los paá­ses, tras el Congreso de Viena, entre los defensores de la restauración del sistema absolutista, los movimientos liberales y nacionalistas y las huellas revolucionarias, el Imperio luso-brasileño se consolidó como que ”extrañado” conforme dirá­a Kar Marx. En Brasil, la monarquá­a garantizará que los acuerdos firmados con Inglaterra con los intereses antecesores sean cumplidos, fortaleciendo los intereses de los tradicionales exportadores con vá­nculos europeos, abortando las tendencias liberales y la integración con las luchas latino americanas, aislando de las decisiones polá­ticas a la gran mayorá­a de la populación, cuyas demandas serán consideradas crá­menes contra el Estado. Para la comprobación de tales consideraciones, han sido analizados documentos del  Centro de documentación e historia diplomática del Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores de Brasil (Biblioteca del Itamaraty), y  Documentos del Centro de estudios históricos de la Universidad Nova de Lisboa y la historiografá­a producida. Palabras clave: Reino Unido de Portugal, de Brasil y Algarves. Imperio de Brasil. Relaciones internacionales en el Congreso de Viena.  THE OUTCOME OF BRAZIL BECOME UNITED KINGDOM TO PORTUGAL AND ALGARVES UNDER THE CONGRESS OF VIENA Abstract: This article analyzes the outcome of Portugal”™s largest colony in America become a United Kingdom of Portugal, Brazil and Algarves in the context of Vienna Congress. In 1820, during the Porto Revolution, the Portuguese liberal movement demanded the return of King D. João VI to Portugal, and in 1822, the former colony is declared independent, however still under the influence of the Portuguese royal family, headed by the first heir of the Bragança and Bourbon, the regent prince Don Pedro de Alcá¢ntara. After this process, it was created not a Republic, as happened in all the others regions of Latin America, but a Brazilian Empire, that remains linked to the political logic of Portugal, although formally independent of the former metropolis. Between political, economical and ideological antagonism that split the countries in the Congress of Vienna is one of the defenders of the restoration of the absolutist system and, on the other hand, the liberals and nationalist movements and the revolutionary experiences, the Portuguese-Brazilian Empire consolidate itself as a ”strange”, as Karl Marx has said about it. In Brazil, the monarchy guaranteed that the deals made with England by the Portuguese would be still valid ”“ making stronger the interest of the traditional exporters that had a strong bonding with Europe, leading to fail of the liberal tendencies and the integration with other Latin American strugles, leaving apart from the political decisions the majority of the population, that had their demands considered a crime against the State. To prove this facts we have analyzed documents of Brazilian external relations ministry”™s  Centro de Documentação e História diplomática (Itamaraty Library), documents from Universidade Nova de Lisboa”™s Centro de Estudos Históricos and the the historiography that have been produced.Keywords: United Kingdom of Portugal. Brazil and Algarves. Brazilian Empire. International relations in the Congress of Vienna  O IMPACTO DA ELEVAÇÃO DO BRASIL A REINO UNIDO A PORTUGAL E ALGARVES SOB A ÉGIDE DO CONGRESSO DE VIENA Resumo: Neste artá­culo, analisa-se o impacto da transformação da maior colônia portuguesa nas Américas, em Reino Unido de Portugal e do Brasil e de Algarves, nos marcos do Congresso de Viena.  Em 1820, o movimento liberal Português, através da revolução de Porto, exigiu o retorno do Rei Dom João VI, depois do que, em 1822, se proclama a independência da ex-colônia, embora sob os auspá­cios da famá­lia real portuguesa, encabeçada pelo herdeiro de um dos Bragança e Bourbon, o prá­ncipe regente Don Pedro de Alcá¢ntara. Inaugura-se, então, não uma República, como ocorria em outras regiões de América Latina, mas um Império, o do Brasil, ainda vinculado á lógica da polá­tica de Portugal e da casa de Bragança, embora teoricamente, desvinculado da antiga metrópole. Em meio aos antagonismos polá­ticos, econômicos e ideológicos que dividem os paá­ses integrantes do Congresso de Viena, - entre os defensores da restauração do sistema absolutista, os movimentos liberais e nacionalistas e as ondas revolucionárias-, o Império luso-brasileiro consolida-se como que ”estranhado”, conforme o diria Karl Marx. No Brasil, a monarquia garantirá que os acordos firmados com Inglaterra segundo interesses dos poderes vigentes anteriormente sejam cumpridos -, fortalecendo os interesses dos tradicionais exportadores com vá­nculos europeus, abortando as tendências liberais e a integração com as lutas latino americanas, isolando das decisões polá­ticas a grande maioria da população, cujas demandas serão consideradas crimes contra o Estado. Para a comprobação de tais considerações, foram analisados documentos do  Centro de documentação e historia diplomática do Ministério de Relações Exteriores do Brasil (Biblioteca do Itamaraty),eDocumentos do Centro de estudos históricos da Universidade Nova de Lisboa e a historiografia já produzida.  Palavras chave: Brasil Império. Relações internacionais no Congresso de Viena. Império luso-brasileiro.  


2017 ◽  
Vol 53 (01) ◽  
pp. 1740003 ◽  
Author(s):  
CHUNG-CHIAN TENG

Since the start of the 21st century, it is clear that China has increasingly turned its attention to Latin America. Although not included in China’s “One Belt, One Road” initiative officially, Latin America has already garnered substantial commitment from China as a result of the latter’s financial funding for development projects and the enhancement of two-way trade relations. In recent years, scholarly research has tended to analyze China’s financial clout and its impact on the governmental domestic and external decisions of Latin American countries. In this study, my purpose is to examine China’s financial initiative and its influence on development projects in Latin America. With the advent of a “new normal” in China, Xi Jinping and Li Keqiang respectively proposed a “[Formula: see text]” model and “[Formula: see text]” model in 2014 and 2015 — a reflection of China’s assertive economic diplomacy during the Xi era. Their plan was to have China adopt a more active position toward the provision of financial loans to Latin American nations. China’s financial funds and construction assistance have been poured into key infrastructural projects, such as those related to power generation and transportation in Ecuador and Argentina. It can be expected that such projects satisfy the needs of both the people as well as the government, and contribute to genuine development there. On top of the involvement of China in relation to technology, equipment, and design, an expansion in cooperation and partnership is currently and will also be in the future the best reward for China.


2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 9-31
Author(s):  
Arivaldo Sezyshta

Resumo: Este artigo tem por objeto apresentar a Filosofia Política Crítica da Libertação em Enrique Dussel, analisando sua gênese e evolução e mostrando a influência decisiva da filosofia da práxis de Karl Marx para esse pensamento, em especial a partir do conceito de exterioridade, entendida como sendo o âmbito onde o outro se revela, onde permanece livre em seu ser distinto. A exterioridade, precisamente, é tida pela Filosofia da Libertação como a categoria principal do legado marxiano e pressuposto teórico fundamental, que viabiliza o discurso de Dussel, sobretudo na opção radical pela vítima, marca de seu pensamento filosófico. Mediante isso, aqui se assume a tese de que há em Dussel uma parcialidade pela vítima: seu pensamento está construído, propositalmente, em favor da vítima. O esforço deste trabalho é o de mostrar que a opção pela vítima será o fio condutor de todo seu pensar, o que cobra da Filosofia da Libertação uma pretensão crítica de pensamento, fazendo com que o labor filosófico seja desafiado e provocado pela necessidade real de auxiliar a vítima, exigência do povo latino-americano em seu caminho de libertação. Em termos de resultado, para além da importância atual do pensamento marxiano para a compreensão da realidade e a crítica ao capitalismo, ressalta-se a relevância teórico-prática do pensamento dusseliano para a Filosofia Política como um todo, pelas suas contribuições no cenário contemporâneo, pela coragem em apontar em direção a outra sociedade, trans-moderna e transcapitalista, já em curso nas práticas coletivas de Bem Viver.Palavras-chaves: Filosofia. Libertação. Enrique Dussel. Bem Viver. Abstract: This article aims to present the Critical Political Philosophy of Liberation in Enrique Dussel, analysing its genesis and evolution and showing the decisive influence of Karl Marx’s philosophy to his thought. Especially from his concept of exteriority, understood as being the space where the other reveals itself, where it remains free in its distinct being. The Externality, precisely, is considered by the Philosophy of Liberation as the main category of the Marxian legacy. It is the fundamental theoretical presupposition, which makes Dussel's speech possible, mainly in the radical choice for the victim, the hallmark of his philosophical thought. Hereby the assumption is made that there is in Dussel a partiality for the victim: his thought is purposely constructed in favour of the victim. The effort of this work is to show that the option for the victim will be the guiding thread of all his thinking, which demands from the Philosophy of Liberation a critical pretension of thought. Thus, causing the philosophical work to be challenged and provoked by the real need to help the victim, the demand of the Latin American people in their way of liberation. In addition to the current importance of Marxian thought for the understanding of reality and the critique of capitalism, the theoreticalpractical relevance of Dusselian thought for Political Philosophy as a whole is emphasized by its contributions in the contemporary scenario, by the courage to point towards another society, trans-modern and transcapitalist, already under way in the collective practices of Well Living.Keywords: Philosophy. Release. Enrique Dussel. Well living. REFERÊNCIAS   ACOSTA, Alberto. O Bem Viver: uma oportunidade para imaginar outros mundos. São Paulo: Autonomia Literária, 2016.ARGOTE, Gérman Marquínez. Ensayo Preliminar y Bibliografia. In: DUSSEL, Enrique. Filosofia de la liberación latinoamericana. Bogotá: Nueva América, 1979.BOULAGA, Eboussi. La crise Du Muntu: authenticité africaine Et philosophie. Paris: Présence Africaine, 1977.CALDERA, Alejandro Serrano. Filosofia e crise: pela filosofia latinoamericana. Petrópolis: Vozes, 1984.CAIO, José Sotero. Manifesto-Declaração do Rio de Janeiro/1993. In: PIRES, Cecília Pinto (Org.) Vozes silenciadas: ensaios de ética e filosofia política. Ijuí: Editora Inijuí, 2003, p.263-271.CASALLA, Mario Carlos. Razón y liberación: notas para una filosofia latinoamericana. Buenos Aires: Siglo XXI, 1973.DUSSEL, Enrique. Filosofia da libertação - na América Latina. São Paulo: Loyola, 1977._______. Filosofia de la Liberación Latinoamericana. Bogotá: Nueva América, 1979._______. Para uma ética da libertação latino-americana III: eticidade e moralidade. São Paulo: Loyola, 1982._______. Filosofía de la producción. Bogotá: Editorial Nueva América, 1984._______. Ética comunitária. Madrid, Ediciones Paulinas, 1986._______. Introdución a la filosofía de la liberación. Bogotá: Nueva América, 1988._______. 1492 – O encobrimento do Outro: a origem do mito da modernidade. Petrópolis: Vozes, 1993. _______. Filosofia da libertação: crítica à ideologia da exclusão. São Paulo: Paulus, 1995._______. Filosofía de la Liberación. Bogotá: Editorial Nueva América, 1996._______. Ética da libertação na idade da globalização e da exclusão. Petrópolis: Vozes, 2000. _______. Hacia una filosofia política crítica. Bilbao: Desclée, 2001._______. 20 teses de política. São Paulo: Expressão Popular, 2007.FANÓN, Franz. Os condenados da terra. Rio de Janeiro: Civilização Brasileira, 1979.FLORES, Alberto Vivar. Antropologia da libertação latino-americana. São Paulo: Paulinas, 1991.FREIRE, Paulo. Pedagogia do oprimido. Rio de Janeiro: Paz e Terra, 1974 GULDBERG, Horacio C. Filosofía de la liberación latinoamericana. México: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 1983.IFIL. Livre Filosofar: Boletim Informativo do Ifil, Ano IX, No.18, 1988.LAS CASAS, Bartolomé de. O Paraíso perdido: Brevíssima relação da destruição das Índias. Trad.: Heraldo Barbuy. 6 ed. Porto Alegre: L&PM, 1996.LATOUCHE, Serge. Pequeno tratado do decrescimento sereno. São Paulo: Martins Fontes, 2009.LÖWY, Michael. Ecologia e Socialismo. São Paulo: Cortez, 2005.MARTI, José. Política de  nuestra América. México: Siglo XXI, 1987.SEZYSHTA, Arivaldo José e et al. Por uma terra sem males: seminário de formação para educadores e educadoras. Recife: Dom Bosco, 2003.ZEA, Leopoldo. Dependencia y liberación en la cultura Latinoamericana. México: Joaquín Mortiz, 1974.ZIMMERMANN, Roque. América Latina o não ser: uma abordagem filosófica a partir de Enrique Dussel (1962-1976). Petrópolis: Vozes: Petrópolis, 1987.


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