scholarly journals Analyzing the Role of Social Media in Strengthening Democracy in Pakistan

2019 ◽  
Vol IV (II) ◽  
pp. 391-402
Author(s):  
Sumera Batool ◽  
Saba Sultana ◽  
Farrah -ul- Momineen

Modern innovation in communication has changed patterns of socializing. Advance forms of communication are paving ways for people to convey their ideologies to others. This study attempts to analyze the role of social media in strengthening democracy in Pakistan and highlights the importance of media in democratic states by an extensive review of the literature. The core concern of the study was to observe how mass media contributes to the socialization of democracy. Quantitative research methodology opted, and research findings concluded that social media advocates the public on general political issues that increase the political efficacy and resulting in more political participation in Pakistan. Web 2.0 platforms such as Twitter and Facebook provide new opportunities to create a political environment in Pakistan. In the presence of these platforms, a bridge is developed between the citizens for strengthening a strong democratic setup.

2017 ◽  
Vol 32 (6) ◽  
pp. 583-597 ◽  
Author(s):  
Venetia Papa

The global upsurge in protest, which has accompanied the current international financial crisis, has highlighted the extensive use of online social media in activism, leaving aside the extent to which citizenship is enacted, empowered and potentially transformed by social media use within these movements. Drawing on citizenship and communication theories, this study employs a cross-country analysis of the relationship between citizenship, civic practices and social media within the Indignados movement in Greece and France. By the use of semi-structured interviews, we attempt to discern the degree of involvement of actors with the political community in question and explore the complex layers of their motivations and goals around participation. Content analysis employed in the movement’s Facebook groups allows us to critically evaluate the potential of social media in (re)defining the meaning and practice of civic participation. Findings indicate that the failure of traditional forms of civic participation to attain and resolve everyday political issues becomes its potential to transfer the political activity in other sites of struggle. The role of Facebook is double: it can reinforce civic talk and debate through activists’ digital story telling (around shared feelings and personal stories) significant for meaningful activist participation online and offline. Second, it can support new forms of alternative politics inspired by more participatory modes of engagement.


2018 ◽  
Vol 224 (3) ◽  
pp. 253-272
Author(s):  
Teacher. Osama AbdAli Khalaf

    The consensual democracy Considered a form of a ruling , in the Unconsensus in heterogeneous national or sectarian or ideological, which is limited to the core political issues that require political consensus, does not extend to all levels of political action because this democracy may be crippling political stability and lead the leaders of the political forces role pivotal in this aspect, the more these leaders have taken in the national interest supreme value at the expense of ethnic or narrow sectarian interests, whenever consensus and political stability, and the more hardened leaders in their own interests, were introduced in a closed circle of conflict and instability.


2021 ◽  
pp. 117-150
Author(s):  
Antoine Vauchez ◽  
Samuel Moyn

This chapter offers a normative assessment of the political risks and diffuse democratic costs related to the blurring process, and considers its cumulative effects from the standpoint of democratic theory. It points at the role of the public sphere's autonomy as a critical condition for democratic citizenship. Because this gray area remains largely shielded from most forms of political and professional oversight, it has become a new democratic “black hole” in which professional intermediaries — lawyers, consultants, and so forth — thrive and prosper. When confronting this extraterritorial zone that has grown up at the core of political systems, and the corrosive effects of its expansion, democracies appear to be seriously underequipped. The blurring of the public–private divide not only weakens the capacity to produce a “public interest” that rests at bay from market asymmetries, but also the very ability to conceptually identify what such a “public interest” may be. This may be one of the biggest challenges ahead for neoliberalized democracies.


2017 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 50
Author(s):  
Bambang Arianto

This article explains that the role of post-conflict political volunteers in 2004, who began with the presidential activity mapping and projection of the volunteers. It was to find out the tactical steps taken by the political volunteers, especially in issues of politics and government. This study revealed that volunteers more engaged in social media, then divides typology into a community volunteer and non-volunteer community. Form the two typology of volunteers turned out more volunters who choose passivity rather than active. Passive attituded intended to be a controller of goverment, while the more active attituded as the guardian of power. This article argues that the role of volunteers in post-conflict digital style presidential politics in 2014 more strengthen the institutionalization of digital activism for political aducation of the public.


Tempo ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 239-263 ◽  
Author(s):  
André Luis Pereira Miatello

Abstract: From the sermons of the Dominican friar Jordan of Pisa (Giordano da Rivalto), between 1302-1307, this article intends to investigate the intersection between preaching and politics in 14th-century Italy, particularly in Florence. The aim is to investigate foremost the political mobilization aspect of preaching, which made the pulpit a forum for political reproduction and negotiation of the public debate and divisions inside the civic assembly; secondly, this paper discuss the role of preachers as political men, since they intended to interfere in public and individual practices in order to answer the urgent problems of the urban life. Based on the study of data obtained from three sermons of Giordano specially devoted to political issues, we discuss the medieval republicanism without separating the political and the religious and without incurring the political assumptions provided by modernity. In giordanian understanding the contrast between the City of God and the earthly city affirms the historicity of politics and, at the same time, expresses its perpetual essence, not doomed to disappear with the end of history.


Author(s):  
Didem Buhari-Gulmez

Benefiting from the theoretical debate between grobalization and glocalization, this chapter aims to shed light on the emerging role of rap music as an alternative venue for political communication in a polarized country, Turkey. The chapter will discuss the political contributions of the selected underground Turkish rappers – Norm Ender, Sagopa Kajmer and Rapzan Belagat – on the public debate in the country about identity, human rights, and other socio-political issues that go beyond the traditional “Kemalist versus Kurdish”, “Kemalist versus Islamist”, and “Islamist versus Kurdish” divide. This study suggests that the Turkish rap and its varieties reflect a complex set of interactions between the local and the global in line with the glocalization approach.


2019 ◽  
Vol 2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jakob Bæk Kristensen

This paper proposes an approach for studying the sociopolitical traits of multiple publics on Facebook that emerge in the network of interactions between users and public pages. The study is based on a survey of 1697 Danish citizens whose responses are coupled with their public Facebook activity.This is used to make predictions about a selection of sociopolitical features for a random sample of 50.000 Facebook users across more than 20.000 public pages. The interactions of the 50.000 users are modeled as a network and a clustering algorithm is used to find groups that arise naturally within said network. This allows for the study of how certain sociopolitical features cut across different congregations of the public in a way that retains a lot of the complexity of the digital trace data. Results show that voting intention overlaps most strongly with the clusters in the network, followed by gender and geo-location. Additionally they show that the so-called political echo-chambers consist only of smaller subsections of the entire network with many users' interactions mainly being identified by interests that can be attributed to gender, geo-location or other. Although, results also show that the political alt. right are very dominant on hot button political issues such as immigration and religion. It is proposed that by eliciting sociopolitical trends while considering the full network of interactions might lead researchers to overlook and overestimate fewer features when studying the formation of social media publics.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Diah Fitria Widhiningsih ◽  
Sunarru Samsi Hariadi

In conducting agribusiness, young farmers are connected with each other in a farmer group. Cooperation becomes the major requirement for maintaining their existence. Furthermore, in the digital era, many people use the internet to help their work and present it to the public through social media. Additionally, to develop their agribusiness, young farmers develop good relationships with extension workers who assist them and connect them to the government. Meanwhile, the government develops policies and supporting materials for young farmers such as fertilizer. Therefore, based on this phenomenon, this quantitative research is aimed at understanding young farmers’ cooperation behavior, especially in using social media in supporting their agribusiness and whether there is difference in cooperation between those utilizing social media and those who do not. It employed 39 young farmers in Kalasan and Prambanan Subdistrict who plant chili as horticulture commodities. It showed that young farmers’ cooperation was described in their activities on seedling, irrigation, crops maintaining, and marketing, but their cooperation practice was not high. On the other hand, they did not always use social media and Kolmogorov Smirnov’s analysis resulted that there was not any difference in cooperation practice due to the social media application. Moreover, not all of them were familiar with social media in the implementation of agribusiness. In this case, they need more assistance from extension workers so they should introduce social media as part of agribusiness to all of young farmers through agricultural extensions to connect young farme the worldwide.


2011 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 312-337 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katherine E. Knutson

AbstractSome scholars of religious interest groups argue that one challenge facing religious groups in their pursuit of political goals is that they are unwilling or unable to compromise, which makes it difficult for them to operate strategically within the secular political environment. An alternate explanation is that the types of arguments religious groups use are multifaceted but do not filter into the public discourse. In this article, I examine the concept of constraint in the context of mediated debates of contentious political issues by looking at the extent to which religious and nonreligious groups differ in their development of argument frames. Compared with nonreligious groups, religious groups do display more evidence of constraint in mediated debates over public policies. Patterns of constraint relate to visibility, framing, group resources, and group purpose. More importantly, however, I find that the patterns of constraint have more to do with journalistic decisions to filter arguments made by religious groups than with the actual rhetorical strategies of religious groups.


Epidemiologia ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 84-94
Author(s):  
Mst. Marium Begum ◽  
Osman Ulvi ◽  
Ajlina Karamehic-Muratovic ◽  
Mallory R. Walsh ◽  
Hasan Tarek ◽  
...  

Background: Chikungunya is a vector-borne disease, mostly present in tropical and subtropical regions. The virus is spread by Ae. aegypti and Ae. albopictus mosquitos and symptoms include high fever to severe joint pain. Dhaka, Bangladesh, suffered an outbreak of chikungunya in 2017 lasting from April to September. With the goal of reducing cases, social media was at the forefront during this outbreak and educated the public about symptoms, prevention, and control of the virus. Popular web-based sources such as the top dailies in Bangladesh, local news outlets, and Facebook spread awareness of the outbreak. Objective: This study sought to investigate the role of social and mainstream media during the chikungunya epidemic. The study objective was to determine if social media can improve awareness of and practice associated with reducing cases of chikungunya. Methods: We collected chikungunya-related information circulated from the top nine television channels in Dhaka, Bangladesh, airing from 1st April–20th August 2017. All the news published in the top six dailies in Bangladesh were also compiled. The 50 most viewed chikungunya-related Bengali videos were manually coded and analyzed. Other social media outlets, such as Facebook, were also analyzed to determine the number of chikungunya-related posts and responses to these posts. Results: Our study showed that media outlets were associated with reducing cases of chikungunya, indicating that media has the potential to impact future outbreaks of these alpha viruses. Each media outlet (e.g., web, television) had an impact on the human response to an individual’s healthcare during this outbreak. Conclusions: To prevent future outbreaks of chikungunya, media outlets and social media can be used to educate the public regarding prevention strategies such as encouraging safe travel, removing stagnant water sources, and assisting with tracking cases globally to determine where future outbreaks may occur.


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