scholarly journals Military Disengagement from Politics in Turkey: Lessons for Pakistan

2021 ◽  
Vol VI (III) ◽  
pp. 88-96
Author(s):  
Usman Khan ◽  
Bakhtiar Khan ◽  
Jamal Shah

The armed forces had a predominant role in the Turkish polity until 2002. During 1960 and 2002, the military had staged direct coups, i.e. 1960, 1971, 1980 and 1997 and maintained an indirect role in internal and external politics through various institutions such as National Security Council (NSC), National Unity Command (NUC), Military courts, Military corporations (OYAK), and Military Pension Fund (MPF). However, the rise of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) has replaced the hitherto predominance of the army in Turkish polity. This research paper highlights that AKP has been successful in disengaging the military from politics with mass support, continuous successes in elections, and managing internal and external threats. Further, the manuscript explored the quest of Turkey to become a member of the European Union, great powers support to Tayyab Erdogan on ensuring human rights, and the principle of republicanism have contributed to the AKP project of civilian supremacy over the armed forces.

Author(s):  
Pavlo Prokhovnyk

The article analyzes the history of the development of military-technical cooperation between Ukraine and NATO as one of the defining areas of international military partnership. Taking into account specific historical circumstances and external aggression by the Russian Federation, the importance of Ukraine’s military-technical cooperation with partner countries for the implementation of political goals and objectives of the state for the development of defense industry and national security is emphasized. Ukraine faced new types of threats in all spheres of the state’s life, in the military in particular, which required active assistance from partner countries. The realities of the hybrid war, which has targeted our country, require new approaches to ensuring the state sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine, including by strengthening military partnerships with the European Union and the United States. In modern geopolitical, socio-economic, international legal, military-political conditions, the nature, forms and directions of Ukraine’s military partnership need to be rethought and clarified. Today, Ukraine’s military cooperation with NATO is of a strategic nature, the tasks of which can be grouped into four key areas: maintaining military-political dialogue; assistance in reforming and developing the Armed Forces of Ukraine; ensuring contribution to international security and peacekeeping; defense and technical cooperation. As a result of this study, NATO membership will open new opportunities for Ukraine’s competitive defense industries and lay the foundation for military-technical cooperation at the international level. In this context, the myth that Ukraine’s accession to NATO will involve the collapse of Ukraine’s defense industry through the introduction of new NATO military standards, requirements for rearmament for our army is completely eliminated.


2018 ◽  
Vol 45 (2) ◽  
pp. 333-348 ◽  
Author(s):  
Erik Hedlund

After the end of the Cold War, many European countries cut back so heavily on defense expenditure that they lost their capacity to defend themselves. This resulted in greater need for improved cooperation and interoperability among member states’ armed forces. One important attempt to improve the understanding and interoperability among the European Union (EU) nation’s armed forces was taken in 2008 by the creation of the European Initiative for exchange of young officers aimed to make the officer education in Europe more transparent and convergent with each other. This article presents a proposal for a generic pedagogic model for an academically professional officer education that can improve understanding and interoperability among the EU nation’s armed forces. The model helps to facilitate a process of professionalization of the military profession with an officer education that can meet the requirements of higher education systems as well as the demands of the military profession.


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 155-167
Author(s):  
Aleksandra Olender

The article includes an analysis of the peace mission in Lebanon with the participation of the Polish Military Contingent. The organizational structure of the military health service securing our soldiers in that mission was also presented, bearing in mind the initial intended use of Polish units in this mission. The article is looking for an answer to the question about the importance of participation in peacekeeping missions of the Polish Armed Forces. It is also a description of the first mission in Lebanon, with a view to the re-participation of Polish troops in the mission at the end of 2019. Poland is considered a responsible member of NATO and the European Union.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 7
Author(s):  
Muhammad Indrawan Jatmika

Military forces have had many important roles in political life in Southeast Asia where the military has a full power or major role and influence in the domestic politics. These forms of military intervention in domestic politics are called praetorianism, which is characterized by the military being more inclined to take care of domestic political affairs rather than carrying out its professional duties as guardians of sovereignty from external threats. We can find this practice from seeing the New Order regime in Indonesia to the Military Junta of Myanmar and Thailand. This paper aims to analyze what factors are the background of the widespread practice of praetorianism and how the practice can last for a certain period of time, even still to this day in Southeast Asia. The main argument is the weak political institutions and the low political culture of developing country are the main causes of various intervention efforts made by the armed forces in the domestic political realm of a country.


We will conclude the year 2017 by dealing with the security forces of the future. The future is difficult to predict, guess or anticipate, however, some individuals, institutions and corporations are investing efforts in this. Yuval Noah Harari published a book on future, titled Homo Deus - A Brief History of Tomorrow. In this book, he foresees that in the future, we will primarily fight against death. This should be the main guideline for the development of future generations. The fundamental guideline for the development in the field of security forces is not exactly a topic to fill the headlines of daily newspapers, let alone is this a topic that would make bestsellers on publishers’ book shelves. It is, however, a topic that has been forever present in the fields dealing with the provision of security. Consequently, in December, Permanent Structured Cooperation (PESCO) was established within the framework of the European Union with the aim to contribute to better cooperation of EU Member States in training, capacity development and operational readiness within the framework of defence. This was a reaction to the security situation in Europe, taking into account our immediate and remote neighbourhoods, which has been discussed by many authors in the previous issues of Contemporary Military Challenges. It may be too early to determine the role of Slovenia in PESCO. Nevertheless, it is imperative that we commit ourselves to this topic seriously and responsibly. Not only to this topic, however. We must seriously begin to discuss Slovenia's security future. Few years ago, we were surprised by the floods; in 2014 we were surprised by glaze ice and in 2015, by the European migrant crisis. What have we learned from these experiences? How many panels and other discussions have been organised on these topics, how many proceedings have been published, how many articles have been written? How many changes have we made in the national security system and how well prepared are we for new challenges? When we were preparing to join the European Union and NATO, we organized ourselves systematically, prepared a media campaign, and enjoyed the political support and substantial public support to achieve the goal. What has happened in this country that we no longer devote a pragmatic level of attention to personal and collective security? A lot has happened. Much has been written and said about this, but still... The fact is that our opinions, views and ideas in the field of security and defence differ, which is alright. In the Editorial Committee of Contemporary Military Challenges, we decided to dedicate this issue to security forces of the future with an emphasis on Slovenia. Taking into account the geographical location of Slovenia, Viktor Potočnik focused on the Anti-armour combat in the Slovenian Armed Forces, providing an answer to the question of what and how much equipment Slovenia needs in this field in order to functionally provide for its security. In his article entitled Contributions to the analysis of challenges, future development and scope of armed forces in Slovenia, Alojz Šteiner writes that although Slovenia is in the midst of the processes concerning design, programming and normative regulation of the defence and military system, he believes that a re-analysis or an interim analysis is necessary. He draws attention to the need for a reflection on open issues and adds his opinion on what these challenges are. In his article Military strategic reserve and the transformation of modern armed forces Vinko Vegič discusses the need for a thorough assessment of the military concept of the military strategic reserve. According to the author, the concept of a military strategic reserve is not consistent with the transformation of modern armed forces, its feasibility, and the wider social concept. Miha Šlebir responded to the articles by Kotnik, Potočnik and Žurga published in the last issue of 2016. In his article entitled Guns vs. butter? Comparative analysis of Slovenia’s defence expenditure explains the trend of financing and allocation according to areas within the armed forces of EU member states and what this can mean for Slovenia and its armed forces. Roman Faganel and Dragomir Čevriz indirectly reacted to the article by Tom Young published in the last issue of 2016. Analytical approach to resource planning and decision making in the defence system is the title of an article that brings theoretical starting points with a quantitative analysis of the case. Reliability of individuals in the operation of a modern state critical infrastructure is the article by Brane Bertoncelj, who presents the framework of the model of influence an individual's reliability has on the functioning of the critical infrastructure of a modern state. It notes that the reliability of an individual in unusual circumstances is most dependent on the level of their motivation, competence and affiliation to the organization. We expect to incur interest for a debate on the subject of security forces of the future, which includes numerous topics and at the same time motivate some of you to write articles on topical issues in the field of security, defence and warfare to be published in 2018 editions of Contemporary military challenges.


Author(s):  
Maggie Dwyer

Interstate conflict has been rare in sub-Saharan Africa and militaries often do not fit the image of a force focused on external threats. Instead, they have often been heavily engaged in domestic politics, regularly serving as regime protection. For many militaries on the continent, the continued internal focus of the armed forces has been shaped by practices under colonialism. One defining feature of African militaries’ involvement in politics is the coup d’état. From the 1960s to the 1980s coups were the primary method of regime change, making the military central to the political landscape of the continent. By the start of the 21st century there were far fewer direct attempts at military control of African states, yet militaries continue to influence politics even under civilian leadership. While there are differences in the role of militaries based on the unique circumstances of each state, there are also general patterns regarding new missions undertaken by armed forces following the end of the Cold War. These include peacekeeping, counterterrorism, and humanitarian assistance, all of which generally involve international partnerships and cooperation. Yet these missions have also had domestic political motivations and effects.


Author(s):  
Olivian Stănică

For 2020-2025, according to forecasts, the education system will be different from today, because it will be necessary for a new set of skills and competencies to be developed among the young generation, new curricula or types of curricula, new paths and innovative ways of learning and assessment, different roles for teachers/ instructors and educational institutions as a result of the different impacts of the new technologies. Promoting a European security culture through military education at all levels of the military career will require a common approach. In national education systems, as in the education systems in the European Union, there is a clear trend in favour of teaching and learning based on skills and of a result-oriented approach to learning that should explicitly express the real needs of the beneficiaries. All European Armed Forces have been undergoing a transformation process for several years. They have reduced their military power as a result of the changing threats and the emergence of new missions. In strategic planning, conventions and processes, the Armed Forces have taken into account the challenges the military personnel (officer, non-commissioned officer, warrant officer, professional soldier) must face. Therefore, the modern military education system is inevitably required to permanently comprise the features of war, in terms of complexity and indisputable uncertainties. Po napovedih naj bi se v letih 2020–2025 sistem izobraževanja razlikoval od današnjega, saj bo za mlado generacijo zaradi različnih vplivov novih tehnologij treba oblikovati nov nabor znanja, spretnosti in kompetenc, nove izobraževalne programe ali vrste izobraževalnih programov, nove poti in ustvarjalne načine učenja in ocenjevanja ter različne vloge učiteljev oziroma inštruktorjev in izobraževalnih ustanov. Spodbujanje evropske varnostne kulture z vojaškim izobraževanjem na vseh stopnjah vojaške poklicne poti zahteva skupen pristop. V nacionalnih izobraževalnih sistemih, kot so izobraževalni sistemi v Evropski uniji, obstaja jasna težnja k poučevanju in učenju, ki temelji na spretnostih, ter k ciljno naravnanemu pristopu k učenju, ki naj bi izrecno izražal resnične potrebe upravičencev. Pri vseh evropskih oboroženih silah že več let poteka transformacija. Njihova vojaška moč se je zaradi spreminjajočih se groženj in novih poslanstev zmanjšala. Pri strateškem načrtovanju, konvencijah in procesih oborožene sile upoštevajo izzive, s katerimi se spopada njihovo vojaško osebje (častniki, podčastniki, vojaški specialisti in poklicni vojaki), zato morajo biti v sodobni sistem vojaškega izobraževanja vedno nujno vključene tudi značilnosti vojne v smislu kompleksnosti in neizpodbitne negotovosti.


2015 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 55-64
Author(s):  
Richard Rousseau

Turkey‟s state-centered and traditional security policy gives priority to “high politics” and attempts to solve problems on the basis of military power. In contrast to the global trend, and particularly in the European Union (EU), Turkey‟s securitization tradition has not changed in the last few decades and its Armed Forces have even enlarged their profile, especially whilst dealing with the Kurdish issue and the rise of political Islam, both of which are threats to the core principles of the Turkish Republic. This article argues that the Turkish security identity is not compatible with the European identity, which is a product of the Europeanization of security. This incompatibility of security identities poses the main impediment to Turkey‟s inclusion into the EU‟s Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). Turkey should Europeanize its security identity by stressing low-political considerations while dealing with its internal and external threats in order to be a member of the European Club.


2008 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 201-207
Author(s):  
Alfred van Staden

AbstractThe use of private contractors in peace support operations may involve a large variety of services. However, there is a conspicuous lack of information and transparency in general regarding the number of PMC personnel employed, the tasks they perform and the sums of money that are at stake. The employment of private military companies can be looked at from three different perspectives, the economic, the military-operational and the legal (as well as ethical) perspective. In the recently published report Employing Private Military Companies two recommendations are made. First, the Dutch government is advised to make the level of its political ambitions with regard to participation in peace support operations dependent on the structural capacity of the armed forces, including basic logistics. Second, the government is urged to provide as much information as possible concerning all relevant aspects of the employment of private companies that render services to the Dutch armed forces in operational areas. Finally, the government is urged to raise the whole issue in the ESDP discussions of the European Union.


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