scholarly journals Feeding the beast : macroeconomic drivers of leadership responses to foreign policy action and the gendered consequences for human trafficking

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Katherine Jeanette Elizabeth Perry
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Human Trafficking ◽  
International System ◽  
Safety Net ◽  
Government Support ◽  
Social Program ◽  
Military Force ◽  
Policy Action ◽  
Target State ◽  
Program Support

How do the gendered macroeconomic and macropolitical structures of the international system exacerbate the rise in human trafficking? In this dissertation project, I use a mixed method approach to examine the relationship between domestic leadership responses to foreign policy actions and how those responses lead to rises in human trafficking in the target state. I begin with cross-national, quantitative models to illustrate that following two different types of foreign policy action, namely, economic sanctions and military force, domestic leaders are driven by the macropolitical interstate system to choose between hoarding finite resources among elites within the target state or redistributing those resources among the populace. I argue that when leaders choose to hoard resources, the populace suffers from lack of social program support and women are particularly vulnerable under such conditions. Leadership focus on self-preservation reduces government support for public programs such as anti-trafficking policy. The populace is then much more likely to choose illicit economic activities such as human trafficking to survive and without support for anti-trafficking in the target state, human trafficking flourishes. The macroeconomic structure of global capitalism relies on cheap labor and cheap goods which specifically reduces the options for women under times of financial duress, and women will suffer significantly as government spending on safety net programs is reduced. I support the quantitative results using a qualitative case study on Indonesia, which I develop using historical documents and resources. Ultimately, this project highlights the importance of developing anti-trafficking policies that do more than punish individual perpetrators but instead, acknowledge the negative impacts of the macroeconomic and macropolitical structures in international relations and how those structures significantly harm women throughout the world.

Processes of Dyadic Choice for war and Peace

1995 ◽  
Vol 47 (2) ◽  
pp. 268-282 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bruce Russett
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Cognitive Processes ◽  
International System ◽  
Policy Decision ◽  
Military Force ◽  
War And Peace ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
Realist Analysis ◽  
Policy Decision Making

This essay reviews three recent books on foreign policy decision making. Collectively, they sharply modify conventional realist analysis by emphasizing the possibility of choice, the necessity of analyzing relationships at the level of a dyad of states rather than at the level of either individual states or the entire international system, and the cognitive processes by which choices are made. But their substantial challenge to realism falls short of the next step necessary, namely, more fully developing a theory of how domestic political processes affect the choice of whether to use military force.

scholarly journals A regression model explaining predisposition to collaborate

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mary K. Foster ◽  
Agnes G. Meinhard
Keyword(s):  
Safety Net ◽  
Voluntary Sector ◽  
Government Support ◽  
Social Program ◽  
Voluntary Organizations ◽  
Effective Response ◽  
Environmental Pressures ◽  
Transfer Payments ◽  
Organizational Attitudes ◽  
The Government

[First paragraph of Introduction]: In Canada the last two decades of the 20th century have been characterized by government policies that focus on stimulating the economy as a strategy for improving overall quality of life. This Ahard right turn@ has made tax cuts a priority over social program expenditures, and private sector efficiencies have been promoted as the most effective response to financial challenges (Jeffrey, 1999; McBride & Shields, 1997; Tester, 1996). Voluntary organizations in Canada have had to adapt to this new environment. Both federal and provincial governments have been withdrawing from direct service provision in several areas of social welfare with the expectation that the voluntary sector will fill any resulting gaps in the social safety net. At the same time, a decrease in government support for the voluntary sector has limited its capacity to respond to an increased demand for its services (Hall & Banting, 2000). In Canada, on average 64% of revenues for voluntary organizations have come from government grants and payments (Hall & Macpherson, 1997). The federal government limited transfer payments for various social programs (Tester, 1996), and as a result, the provinces began a systematic retrenchment of these programs (Torjman, 1996). With such intense dependence on the government, any change in transfer payments is bound to have a noticeable impact on the sector (Rice & Prince, 2000). This paper focuses on interorganizational activities among voluntary organizations as a response to the funding changes being experienced by the sector. Specifically, we develop a model that presents collaborative behaviour as a function of organizational characteristics, environmental pressures and organizational attitudes. Keywords: CVSS, Centre for Voluntary Sector Studies, Working Paper Series,TRSM, Ted Rogers School of Management Citation:

More Than Mixed Results: What We Have Learned From Quantitative Research on the Diversionary Hypothesis

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benjamin O. Fordham
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Group Dynamics ◽  
Quantitative Research ◽  
International Conflict ◽  
International System ◽  
The United States ◽  
Family Resemblance ◽  
Military Force ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
Substantial Progress

In the three decades since Jack Levy published his seminal review essay on the topic, there has been a great deal of quantitative research on the proposition that state leaders can use international conflict to enhance their political prospects at home. The findings of this work are frequently described as “mixed” or “inconsistent.” This characterization is superficially correct, but it is also misleading in some important respects. Focusing on two of Levy’s most important concerns about previous research, there has been substantial progress in our understanding of this phenomenon. First, as Levy suggests in his essay, researchers have elaborated a range of different mechanisms linking domestic political trouble with international conflict rather than a single diversionary argument. Processes creating diversionary incentives bear a family resemblance to one another but can have different behavioral implications. Four of them are (1) in-group/out-group dynamics, (2) agenda setting, (3) leader efforts to demonstrate competence in foreign policy, and (4) efforts to blame foreign leaders or perhaps domestic minorities for problems. In addition, researchers have identified some countervailing mechanisms that may inhibit state leaders’ ability to pursue diversionary strategies, the most important of which is the possibility that potential targets may strategically avoid conflict with leaders likely to behave aggressively. Second, research has identified scope conditions that limit the applicability of diversionary arguments, another of Levy’s concerns about the research he reviewed. Above all, diversionary uses of military force (though not other diversionary strategies) may be possible for only a narrow range of states. Though very powerful states may pursue such a strategy against a wide range of targets, the leaders of less powerful states may have this option only during fairly serious episodes of interstate hostility, such as rivalries and territorial disputes. A substantial amount of research has focused exclusively on the United States, a country that clearly has the capacity to pursue this strategy. While the findings of this work cannot be generalized to many other states, they have revealed some important nuances in the processes that create diversionary incentives. The extent to which these incentives hinge on highly specific political and institutional characteristics point to the difficulty of applying realistic diversionary arguments to a large sample of states. Research on smaller, more homogenous samples or individual states is more promising, even though it will not produce an answer to the broad question of how prevalent diversionary behavior is. As with many broad questions about political phenomena, the only correct answer may be “it depends.” Diversionary foreign policy happens, but not in the same way in every instance and not in every state in the international system.

scholarly journals From Rivals to Partners: Constructing the Sino-Indonesian Strategic Partnership

2019 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Gatra Priyandita
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Social Interaction ◽  
International System ◽  
Analytical Framework ◽  
International Order ◽  
Strategic Partnership ◽  
Multiple Channels ◽  
Strategic Partnerships ◽  
Target State

This study is an inquiry into the use of strategic partnerships as an instrument of diplomacy in Indonesia. Strategic partnerships have become a key fixture of Indonesia’s omnidirectional foreign policy in the post-Suharto era. However, the rationale behind the formation of strategic partnerships for Indonesia’s strategic interests, as well as the process behind its formation, remain understudied. This paper seeks to fill this gap in the literature by examining how Indonesia utilizes its strategic partnership to engage China. Using Wilkins’ analytical framework for the study of strategic partnerships, this study finds that Indonesian policymakers have used strategic partnerships as instruments to create multiple channels of communication for the purposes of economic pragmatism and the overarching goal of socializing the target state into accepting Indonesia’s vision of the international order. The case study on China indicates that strategic partnerships have only been partially successful in helping Indonesia deliver its goals. While increased formal interactions have facilitated economic and social interaction, the utility of strategic partnerships has instruments of influencing Chinese behaviour in the international system remain minimal.

scholarly journals A regression model explaining predisposition to collaborate

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mary K. Foster ◽  
Agnes G. Meinhard
Keyword(s):  
Safety Net ◽  
Voluntary Sector ◽  
Government Support ◽  
Social Program ◽  
Voluntary Organizations ◽  
Effective Response ◽  
Environmental Pressures ◽  
Transfer Payments ◽  
Organizational Attitudes ◽  
The Government

[First paragraph of Introduction]: In Canada the last two decades of the 20th century have been characterized by government policies that focus on stimulating the economy as a strategy for improving overall quality of life. This Ahard right turn@ has made tax cuts a priority over social program expenditures, and private sector efficiencies have been promoted as the most effective response to financial challenges (Jeffrey, 1999; McBride & Shields, 1997; Tester, 1996). Voluntary organizations in Canada have had to adapt to this new environment. Both federal and provincial governments have been withdrawing from direct service provision in several areas of social welfare with the expectation that the voluntary sector will fill any resulting gaps in the social safety net. At the same time, a decrease in government support for the voluntary sector has limited its capacity to respond to an increased demand for its services (Hall & Banting, 2000). In Canada, on average 64% of revenues for voluntary organizations have come from government grants and payments (Hall & Macpherson, 1997). The federal government limited transfer payments for various social programs (Tester, 1996), and as a result, the provinces began a systematic retrenchment of these programs (Torjman, 1996). With such intense dependence on the government, any change in transfer payments is bound to have a noticeable impact on the sector (Rice & Prince, 2000). This paper focuses on interorganizational activities among voluntary organizations as a response to the funding changes being experienced by the sector. Specifically, we develop a model that presents collaborative behaviour as a function of organizational characteristics, environmental pressures and organizational attitudes. Keywords: CVSS, Centre for Voluntary Sector Studies, Working Paper Series,TRSM, Ted Rogers School of Management Citation:

scholarly journals The concept of «soft power» in the context of Ukrainian strategy of foreign policy

2018 ◽  
Vol 21 (9) ◽  
pp. 131-136
Author(s):  
D. S. Korotkov
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
International System ◽  
Military Force ◽  
Theoretical Concepts ◽  
Military Conflict ◽  
Hard Power ◽  
The Crimea ◽  
Second Tier ◽  
Power Concept

This article explores the basic principles and conceptual approaches to the concept of «power». Modern globalizational processes in the world (political, economic) influence the emergence of new concepts of power. The basic theoretical concepts of international relations - «hard power» and «soft power» and the possibility of using them in Ukrainian foreign policy are under consideration. The causes of emergence of the «soft power» concept is studied in the article. Among the mentioned causes we examine the end of «Cold War» and formation of multipolar international system. It brings us to the changes of the nature of the power itself and makes the strategy of «soft power» more potential. The attention is drawn to the relevance of the essence of the «soft power» concept and possibility of its usage in Ukrainian foreign policy, in its political scientific discussions. The annexation of the Crimea in 2014 and the military conflict with Russia influenced the future implementation of this concept. The potential of the «soft power» concept in Ukraine is already exhausted. The «Orange Revolution» in 2004 and «Revolution of Dignity» in 2014 are the symbolic events of modern Ukraine and the main tools of the «soft power». These events formed a positive image of Ukraine in Europe. It is necessary to restrict (financially and informationally) the usage of this concept and give priority to the «hard power». Concept of «soft power» is only effective in the countries with significant military and economic potential. With regard to Ukraine, the tools of the attractiveness of the economic model of development are not effective and are still unpredictable. The secondary effects of internal political and economic upheavals, the annexation of the Crimea and hostilities in the Donbas spread to most sectors of the national economy. It is noted that in the context of cultural and value attraction in order to use the whole image potential of our state, we need a well-thought out state information policy and a clearly planned branding campaign, which takes time and considerable financial expenses. Ukraine show that in order to ensure its national security for the ‘second-tier’ states the development of its own military force should be on a priority basis.

Finding Faith in Foreign Policy

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gregorio Bettiza
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
American Foreign Policy ◽  
International System ◽  
World Order ◽  
The United States ◽  
Development Aid ◽  
First Century ◽  
Sacred Landscapes ◽  
Muslim Politics ◽  
The Cold War

Since the end of the Cold War, religion has been systematically brought to the fore of American foreign policy. US foreign policymakers have been increasingly tasked with promoting religious freedom globally, delivering humanitarian and development aid abroad through faith-based channels, pacifying Muslim politics and reforming Islamic theologies in the context of fighting terrorism, and engaging religious actors to solve multiple conflicts and crises around the world. Across a range of different domains, religion has progressively become an explicit and organized subject and object of US foreign policy in ways that were unimaginable just a few decades ago. If God was supposed to be vanquished by the forces of modernity and secularization, why has the United States increasingly sought to understand and manage religion abroad? In what ways have the boundaries between faith and state been redefined as religion has become operationalized in American foreign policy? What kind of world order is emerging in the twenty-first century as the most powerful state in the international system has come to intervene in sustained and systematic ways in sacred landscapes around the globe? This book addresses these questions by developing an original theoretical framework and drawing upon extensive empirical research and interviews. It argues that American foreign policy and religious forces have become ever more inextricably entangled in an age witnessing a global resurgence of religion and the emergence of a postsecular world society.

scholarly journals Interdependance, linkage et système international : de l'analyse conceptuelle aux problèmes de politique étrangère

2005 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 329-352
Author(s):  
Irnerio Seminatore
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
International Relations ◽  
International System ◽  
Political Context ◽  
International Policy ◽  
Policy Makers ◽  
The North ◽  
Interdependence Theory ◽  
The Face ◽  
The Impact

The emergence and evolution of the literature dealing with interdependence in the international System is looked into. An attempt is made to show its significance and main points as well as its implications. The debates on interdependence within the North-American political context are regarded as solutions to the preceding issues on dependence. Interesting passages are dedicated to the impact of the interdependence theory on the interpretation of the international system, as illustrated by two schools of thought in foreign policy (Kissinger-Brzezinski). Linkage of the tactical and strategic aspects to the economic and political interrelation of international relations, as put forward by policy makers, has brought to the fore the difficulties and limits of negotiation in the face of competition and in the aftermath of confrontation. This paper offers subtle, yet positive, conclusions on the use of the interdependance theory in international policy.

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