scholarly journals The support of urban movement in Sai Gon - Gia Dinh to the Provisional Revolution Government’s viewpoint at the Paris Negotiation (1970-1971)

Author(s):  
Phan Thi Ly

The urban movement, a type of political struggles of people in Southern Vietnam, played an important role in the anti-American resistance of Vietnam. The present article presented aspects in the support of the urban movement in Sai Gon - Gia Dinh to the Provisional Revolution Goverment's viewpoint at the Paris Negotiation (1970-1971) by using the printed materials of the Republic of Vietnam collected from Vietnam National Archives II and the reliable published-materials. In fact, after being established, the Provisional Revolution Government replaced the role of the National Liberation Front at the Paris Negotiation and showed the viewpoint via the Eight-Point Solution, the Three-Point Statement, and the Seven-Point Programme for two years between 1970 and 1971. At the same time, the urban movement in Sai Gon - Gia Dinh had a strong development, and took place with various types, including student movements, intellectual movements, and worker movements. The development of the urban movement supported the Provisional Revolution Government viewpoint of peace, increasing the strength of the diplomatic struggle and driving the US and Sai Gon Government into the strongly isolated situation. This paper also shows the influence of the Provisional Revolution Government on the urban movement in Sai Gon - Gia Dinh.

2013 ◽  
Vol 1 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 131-148

This article analyzes the imagery shared by interwar Bessarabian peasants about their Jewish neighbours and traces the role that this imagery played in determining gentiles’ attitudes or behaviour during the summer of 1941. It is built on a vast array of sources, including, over three hundred testimonies of Jewish survivors, and archival materials studied at the National Archives of the Republic of Moldova and the US Holocaust Memorial Museum. During the start of the war, civilians had brief interregnum allowing them to act on their own, unrestrained by local authorities. At this time, robberies in Jewish towns and villages occurred on an unprecedented scale across the region, with open involvement of numerous groups of civilians; sometimes these robberies were accompanied by assaults and murders. This paper argues that the plunder of Bessarabian Jewry was something more complex than war banditry.


Author(s):  
Todd H. Weir ◽  
Udi Greenberg

This chapter argues that the role of religion in the political and social dynamics of the Weimar Republic was determined by two axes of confessional conflict. Alongside the Catholic–Protestant antagonism, there were also significant tensions between secularism and Christianity. Both axes contributed to the formation of different social milieus during the Kaiserreich and supported their continued articulation during the Weimar Republic. The chapter explores developments within the milieus, such as the significant growth and radicalization of freethought within the socialist and communist parties, as well as the shifting relationships between them, which created a fractured and complex set of political struggles, compromises, and alliances. The republic was bookended by efforts to overcome confessional divides in Germany through revolutionary means, on the one hand through the aborted attempt to fully secularize the German state in 1918 and, on the other, the campaign by the National Socialists to win Christian support by calling for ‘positive Christianity’ to heal Germany’s confessional divide by unifying Protestants and Catholics and destroying secularism.


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. 130
Author(s):  
Ruth Margaret Gibson

<p><em>On November 20, 2018, the United States imposed unilateral sanctions on the Republic of Iran. The intention of these sanctions, which are being used in conjunction with other political pressures, is to impose financial hardship on Iran for its perceived support of Syrian president Bashar al-Assad and terrorism. The consequences of these sanctions for the Iranian population will be manifold, with health likely to be one of the first sectors to suffer. There is no designated international body responsible for monitoring population health in the wake of sanctions; thus, health researchers have a pivotal role to play in the international community. The timely collection of health data can supply bodies such as the United Nations Security Council with information about the justness of the US sanctions and can be used in making arguments to protect human rights, including health, and in preventing crimes against humanity. This article briefly explains the concept of crimes against humanity and how health data and health service researchers can play an important role in drawing attention to declining health indicators in a sanctioned country.</em></p>


Author(s):  
Andrei A. Lukashov

Revolutionary events 1918–1919 on the territory of Belarus, the creation of the Belarusian statehood of newest history require comprehensive, including the sphragistical, research. In particular, a special study requires the role of this period in the formation of Soviet symbols. The process of creating the symbols of the world’s first socialist states was reflected in the seals created and used during this period. An analysis of the content of the imprints of the seals in the 805 National Archive of the Republic of Belarus fund revealed the use of seals by local authorities with symbols of state formations that had disappeared at moment of use and were the ideological enemies of the Communists.


Author(s):  
Edward G. Lengel

The Meuse-Argonne Offensive, lasting from 26 September 1918 to 11 November 1918, constituted the largest and bloodiest engagement of American forces in World War I. Part of a series of concentric attacks devised by Marshal Ferdinand Foch against German positions on the Western Front in the autumn of 1918, it aimed at the capture of the important railway junction at Mézières, which supplied a large portion of the German forces in France. German forces in this area did not enjoy the luxury of trading space for time, and they were under orders to defend to the last. The offensive is usually said to have resulted in 120,000 American casualties, including 26,000 dead, most of them having fallen in the offensive’s first three weeks. Combat in the Meuse-Argonne was extremely intensive, and had a profound effect on all who participated in it, but whether it impacted the development of American military doctrine is debatable. The Meuse-Argonne is controversial in the sense that American historians have tended to emphasize its importance in overall operations on the Western Front in 1918, while many European historians have dismissed it as insignificant. Comparatively little has been published about the offensive in either article or book form. Only four general studies have been published—in 1919, 1987, 2007, and 2008—but none of these works are comprehensive in scope. Scattered writings exist on various aspects of the offensive, from celebrated heroes, such as Alvin C. York, to individual episodes, such as the saga of the Lost Battalion or the attack on Montfaucon. Numerous articles have been published, mostly in the 1930s and 1960s, about the role of artillery and gas warfare units in the offensive; however, aside from a single-volume collection of essays to be published in 2014, not much has been written about infantry combat, tanks and aircraft, or the problems of logistics and command. Next to nothing has appeared in any language on German or French participation in the Meuse-Argonne. Published American personal accounts exist in abundance, however, and vast archival sources remain untapped in the National Archives and at the US Army Heritage and Education Center in Carlisle, PA.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Himawan Pratama

The 2020 Olympics are not Tokyo's first experience of hosting the Games. Previously, the city hosted the 1964 Olympics. This historical background generated nostalgia for the 1964 Olympics ahead of the 2020 Olympics. The 1964 Olympics are remembered for exposing Japanese society to various interactions with foreigners, which eventually provided the setting for expressions of Japanese national identity through comparisons between "us" (Japanese) and "them" (foreigners). In this sense, representations of foreigners, and their roles as essential elements of Japanese national identity discourse, have been the integral parts of 1964 Olympics nostalgia. Ahead of the 2020 Olympics, numerous popular culture forms depicting the 1964 Olympics were produced in Japan. One notable work was the television drama IDATEN Orimupikku Banashi (hereafter: IDATEN), broadcast by the Japan Broadcasting Corporation (NHK) from January-December 2019. The drama depicted Japan's Olympic movement from the 1912 to 1964 Olympics and featured a wide variety of foreign characters. IDATEN's portrayal of the 1964 Olympics features not only foreign countries widely represented in Japanese popular culture, such as the US, but also less featured countries such as Indonesia and the Republic of the Congo. This article analyzes depictions of these three nations to examine critically the role of representations of foreigners in Japanese national identity discourse within the drama. It argues that as a drama produced ahead of the 2020 Olympics IDATEN signifies the aspirations of 21st century Japan rather than reflecting the actual situation during the 1964 Olympics, especially in how it portrays Japan through the country’s relations with other countries.


2012 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 329-349 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tehyun Ma

This article explores planning for reconstruction in the Republic of China by focusing especially on the response to the British government-commissioned 1942 Report of the Inter-Departmental Committee on Social Insurance and Allied Services, better known as the Beveridge Plan, a blueprint for the post-war welfare state. The Beveridge Report was translated into Chinese in 1943, and its ideas were widely discussed among cosmopolitan social policy experts in the Republic of China’s Ministry of Social Affairs. Chinese delegates returned from the International Labour Organisation conference in Philadelphia in 1944 persuaded that social security was the spirit of the age, and began to draw up plans for what one policymaker called China’s own Beveridge Plan. After 1945 some of these ideas were incorporated into policy. I argue that while the debate over social welfare in the Republic of China (ROC) hinged on indigenous traditions of benevolence, labour unrest and the relative weakness of the ROC state, it was also shaped by the nation’s alliance with Britain and the US in particular, and the role of social policy experts in multinational organisations and networks.


1964 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 47-64
Author(s):  
Richard A. Comfort

It is, perhaps, all too easy for the student of German political history to adopt the device of speaking of events in the capital city as if they could be taken to represent developments occurring on a national scale. But it is far less accurate to use Berlin in this way than it is to use, for example, Paris or London. For one must keep in mind that the federal structure of Germany was by no means a mere legal fiction. Local political issues and the local organizations of the national parties retained considerable importance throughout the Weimar period. Indeed, one could well argue that in a number of instances, especially in the early years of the Republic, local political struggles were decisive for the formation of national policies.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 97-108
Author(s):  
Dinda Izzati

Evidently, a few months after the Jakarta Charter was signed, Christian circles from Eastern Indonesia submitted an ultimatum, if the seven words in the Jakarta Charter were still included in the Preamble to the 1945 Constitution, then the consequence was that they would not want to join the Republic of Indonesia. The main reason put forward by Pastor Octavian was that Indonesia was seen from its georaphical interests and structure, Western Indonesia was known as the base of Islamic camouflage, while eastern Indonesia was the basis for Christian communities. Oktavianus added that Christians as an integral part of this nation need to realize that they also have the right to life, religious rights, political rights, economic rights, the same rights to the nation and state as other citizens, who in fact are mostly Muslims. This paper aims to determine and understand the extent to which the basic assumptions of the Indonesian people view the role of Islam as presented in an exclusive format.


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