scholarly journals Anton Korošec in apostolski nuncij Ermenegildo Pellegrinetti: politični katolicizem, manjšinsko vprašanje in konkordat med Svetim sedežem in Kraljevino Jugoslavijo

2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (2021) (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Gašper Mithans

The article discusses some key political problems in Slovene and Yugoslav history through the relationship between Anton Korošec, a Catholic priest and one of the most prominent politicians of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes/Yugoslavia, and Ermenegildo Pellegrinetti, the apostolic nuncio in the first Yugoslavia. The analysis of memoirs and archival sources presents contextualised personal insights into the politicization of the Catholic Church and the activities of Catholic parties, including the issue of nationalisms, the anti-fascist action of Slovenes and Croats in Italy and the failed attempt to adopt a Concordat between the Kingdom of Yugoslavia and the Holy See.

2019 ◽  
Vol 54 (2) ◽  
pp. 176-200
Author(s):  
Ante Delić

The Vatican had never recognized the Independent State of Croatia (henceforth ISC) in accordance with its traditional policy of not giving recognition to the countries formed in war until hostilities cease and peace treaties come into effect. However, a few months after the declaration of the ISC, the Holy See sent an apostolic visitor to the Croatian Catholic episcopate in Zagreb, Dr. Ramiro Marcone, a monk from the Benedictine abbey in Montevergine, Italy. Marcone was accompanied by his secretary, Dr. Giuseppe Masucci, also a Benedictine monk. The two men lived in Zagreb until the end of the ISC in 1945 but also stayed for some time after that. In accordance with their duties, Marcone and Masucci were in contact with the archbishop of Zagreb, Alojzije Stepinac, on a daily basis and were thus well-informed about numerous issues of the time, especially those pertaining to the relationship between the Catholic Church and the government of ISC. The Catholic hierarchy headed by archbishop Stepinac, welcomed the proclamation of ISC and throughout the war expressed their belief that the Croatian people had the right to its own independent state. Abbot Marcone and his secretary Masucci acted in synergy with archbishop Stepinac. In accordance with his mission Marcone submitted reports to the Holy See while his secretary Masucci kept notes in his diary. One can observe Masucci's constant work on saving the persecuted, specially Jews from his diary (which has two different versions in Croatian translation). After the end of ISC, Masucci and Marcone were under strict surveillance and control of the secret service of the new communist regime which considered the Catholic Church an enemy of the state and openly persecuted it with the intention of destroying it. Abbot Marcone travelled to Rome on 10 July 1945 and the Yugoslav authorities denied him re-entry. His secretary Masucci also left Yugoslavia on 20 March 1946 after constant pressure from the new administration and was also denied re-entry.


2007 ◽  
Vol 58 (2) ◽  
pp. 232-255 ◽  
Author(s):  
STEFANIA TUTINO

Thomas White alias Blacklo, an English Catholic priest, natural philosopher and theologian, was the leader of a small group of Catholics, known as ‘Blackloists’, who in the 1640s and 1650s wrote in support of Oliver Cromwell. This article seeks to explain the ecclesiological, theological and political arguments put forward by White and his followers in order to justify their approach to the Independents and later to the Lord Protector. After putting into context and interpreting some of the issues elaborated in White's circle, the reaction of the Holy See to Thomas White and to his political and theological positions is examined. While contemporary historiography seems to agree that the majority of English Catholics were on the king's side during the civil war, the evidence that emerges from White's case shows that the Roman hierarchy was of a different opinion.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (12) ◽  
pp. 375-382
Author(s):  
Eduardo Szazi

In 2008, Brazil and the Holy See entered into an Agreement on the Juridical Statute of the Catholic Church and its Ecclesiastical Institutions in Brazil (the “Agreement”). The Agreement was approved by the Brazilian Congress by Legislative Decree 698 on October 7, 2009 and entered into force in the international sphere on December 10, 2009. On February 11, 2010, by Presidential Decree 7.107, it entered into force in the domestic sphere. The purpose of this essay is assessing the consistency of the Agreement with the State laicity enshrined in the 1988 Brazilian Constitution. The hypothesis is the validity of the Agreement due to the special status of the Holy See in International Law. The methodology of study consisted in describing the historical background of the relationship between State and Church in Brazil as a preamble for surveying cases which have dealt with the 2008 Agreement and the corresponding decisions at the Brazilian Superior Courts. As a result, we have found out that the Brazilian Judiciary sustained the compatibility of the Agreement with the laicity of the Brazilian State enshrined in its 1988 Constitution in two leading cases that addressed, respectively, the possibility of confirmation, by Brazilian Courts, of ecclesiastical declarations of nullity issued by marriage tribunals under the Code of Cannon Law, and the possibility of confessional classes in public schools. Both possibilities were eventually upheld by Brazilian Superior Courts in landmark rulings on the status of the Holy See in the Brazilian practice of international law.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (13) ◽  
pp. 445-451
Author(s):  
Eduardo Szazi

In 2008, Brazil and the Holy See entered into an Agreement on the Juridical Statute of the Catholic Church and its Ecclesiastical Institutions in Brazil (the “Agreement”). The Agreement was approved by the Brazilian Congress by Legislative Decree 698 on October 7, 2009 and entered into force in the international sphere on December 10, 2009. On February 11, 2010, by Presidential Decree 7.107, it entered into force in the domestic sphere. The purpose of this essay is assessing the consistency of the Agreement with the State laicity enshrined in the 1988 Brazilian Constitution. The hypothesis is the validity of the Agreement due to the special status of the Holy See in International Law. The methodology of study consisted in describing the historical background of the relationship between State and Church in Brazil as a preamble for surveying cases which have dealt with the 2008 Agreement and the corresponding decisions at the Brazilian Superior Courts. As a result, we have found out that the Brazilian Judiciary sustained the compatibility of the Agreement with the laicity of the Brazilian State enshrined in its 1988 Constitution in two leading cases that addressed, respectively, the possibility of confirmation, by Brazilian Courts, of ecclesiastical declarations of nullity issued by marriage tribunals under the Code of Cannon Law, and the possibility of confessional classes in public schools. Both possibilities were eventually upheld by Brazilian Superior Courts in landmark rulings on the status of the Holy See in the Brazilian practice of international law.


Author(s):  
Thomas Brodie

The centrality of co-existence and negotiation to the relationship between the Catholic Church and Nazi regime was already in evidence during the period 1933–9. Although in 1932 the Catholic episcopate had banned the faithful from wearing Nazi uniforms to mass, and had extended this to a general ban on membership of the NSDAP, it swiftly rescinded these restrictive measures following Hitler’s ‘seizure of power’ in January 1933....


2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 155-176
Author(s):  
Mária Csatlós

With the available archival resources and through exploring the life, work and political actions of Endre Ágotha, the dean and parish priest of Nyárádselye I trace the unfolding and failing of the schismatic catholic peace movement legitimated in Marosvásárhely in the period 1950-1956. The state backed “Catholic Action” did not succeed in severing the Catholic Church in Romania from Rome by settling the “pending cases” between the church and the state and only a small portion of the clergy joined the movement, yet it has made significant moral damages by dividing the believers and the clergy. The Holy See condemned the movement and it’s key figure Endre Ágotha has brought upon himself the harshest punishment of the Catholic Church: excommunicates vitandus. He received absolution only on his deathbed.


Author(s):  
Karolina Dłuska

The author of the article tries to indicate the relationship between the perceived presence of the Catholic Church in public life and the election preferences of Poles. The subject of the research here is the parliamentary elections in Poland in 2011 in the context of the perception by the electorate of the individual parties of the public presence of the Catholic Church in the selected aspects. Among them, the author points to: the issue of crosses and other religious symbols in public space, including the issue of a cross in the Sejm meeting room. She also recalls such matters as: religion lessons in schools, the religious nature of the military oath, priests appearing on public television, the Church taking a stand on laws passed by the Sejm and priests telling people how to vote in elections. The presented analysis is based on the results of the Polish General Election Study 2011.


Author(s):  
Mykhailo Shumylo

The social doctrine of the Catholic Church is an indication of the active involvement of the Church in disseminating the ideas ofthe welfare state and it reflects its attempts to establish ideals of the welfare state through an external influence on the ideology of countriesthat belong to Christendom.Furthermore, one cannot ignore the fact that encyclicals had a direct or indirect influence on the adoption of the first social protectionacts in Catholic Europe where encyclicals played an important role.As a result, the Holy See aligned itself with the labour movement.Considering the fact that papal encyclicals covered the entire Catholic World, these documents can be viewed as an example ofinternational soft law.The first social rights, principles, and values in the area of social protection were enshrined in the encyclicals.Social rights belong to second-generation human rights the legal basis for which comprises international instruments adoptedafter the Second World War (the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948), the Convention for the Protection of Human Rightsand Fundamental Freedoms (1950), the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (1966), the European SocialCharter (Revised) (1965–1996), the European Code of Social Security (1964), meaning 50 years after these rights were enshrined inpapal encyclicals.There is an indisputable fact that has still not been discussed in scientific research on social protection and according to whichthe social doctrine of the Catholic Church can be viewed as an inherent part of the process of occurrence, formation, and developmentof social protection, and it can be regarded as an ideological framework, a source of social rights and principles of social protection.Considering the above-mentioned findings, the social doctrine of the Catholic Church can be defined as the body of legislationadopted by the Holy See regarding the status and development of social and labour rights, their place in a person’s life and in publiclife. Papal encyclicals form the basis of that legislation and they are addressed to believers, bishops, and archbishops.


Author(s):  
Martina Ambrosini

As those of other Western countries, Italian media often employ the term “clash of civilisation” [conflitto di civiltà] to refer to the relationship between “Islam” and the “West”. The Muslim world is simplistically described, and perceived, as a monolithic reality. Its representation by media ranges from that of an irrational to that of an intolerant religion. The expression “clash of civilization” was especially used in September 2006, after the Pope’s lectio magistralis at Regensburg University caused vigorous protests to take place in the Muslim world. Benedict XVI seemed to present the Christian God as the only rational divinity, and Islam as an irrational religion. After international Muslim communities asked for an official apology, the Pope held a meeting with the ambassadors from Islamic States to the Holy See, and the representatives of the Italian Muslim communities, to explain his words. This paper analyzes the way in which this event was presented by the Italian media – including right-wing, mainstream and Catholic media - with the aim of understanding the official reaction of the Vatican (as reported by the Osservatore Romano), the Italian Catholic Church (as reported by Avvenire), and the Italian public opinion


2019 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 337-365
Author(s):  
ORSOLYA VARSÁNYI

This article aims to reconstruct the reception of Act XVII adopted by the Hungarian Parliament in 1916, which brought about the legal recognition of Islam, from the stance of the Holy See of Rome. The research is based on archival material preserved at the Vatican Archives, namely letters exchanged between the Nunziature of Vienna and the Holy See, which are published and translated here. The presentation of so far unpublished material provides an opportunity to follow the growing understanding of the contents and background of this law; the key points of interest of the Catholic Church in this matter are identified; while lexical references seek to shed light on the perceptions of Islam.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document