scholarly journals Human Rights Violations in Myanmar and the Military Junta’s Defensive Human Rights Diplomacy

Author(s):  
Jatswan S. Sidhu

Once considered the internal domain of states, of late human rights issues and concerns have been frequently raised at the international level through the use of human rights diplomacy. However, human rights diplomacy is not only confined to like-minded states who often raise issues pertaining to human rights violations abroad, but can also employed by states violating human rights as a means for its own defence. Under intense criticism for its abysmal human rights record, the Myanmar regime too has often resorted to human rights diplomacy as a strategy to deflect criticism, mainly from without. In doing so, the regime not only often invokes the notion of sovereignty, but even undertakes systematic attacks on the members of the international media and transnational advocacy groups who raise these issues. In addition and knowing that these issues have often dented its own credibility and legitimacy, the Myanmar junta even embarked on an image-building campaign, namely by enlisting the services of foreign public relations firms. In the light of these developments, this article will analyse how Myanmar’s military regime has used defensive human rights diplomacy to ward-off criticism against its poor human rights record.  

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Luane Flores Chuquel

This current work studies the human rights violations suffered by indigenous peoples during the period of the Brazilian CivilMilitary Dictatorship. Likewise, it makes some notes about the beginning of the violations in a moment before this dark period. On this path, even before the Military Coup was launched in the year 1964 (one thousand nine hundred and sixty-four), the Indians were already experiencing constant usurpations of their rights at the expense of irresponsibilities commanded most of the time, by those who should watch over their rights lives. As will be seen, the violation and disrespect for Human Rights in the face of these peoples ended up becoming common and gaining strength mainly in the beginning of the implementation of the military regime. Negligent attempts at acculturation and "emancipation", in addition to inconsequential contacts with isolated peoples, culminated in the destruction and predatory logging of their lands. Missing processes of terribly violating demarcations of indigenous areas promoted the expulsion of countless peoples, causing the Indians to fall into a life totally surrounded by hunger, begging, alcoholism and prostitution. All in the name of the so-called “economic advance”, which aimed at building roads, in what was called “occupation of the Amazon”? As frequently stated by the authorities at the time, the Amazon rainforest was seen and understood as a “population void” by the Military Government. According to this thought idealized by the disgusting dictators and supporters, it will be observed that the cases of violations of Human Rights have been systematically “legalized”. The life, land and culture of indigenous peoples were left in the background. Depending on this brief narrative developed through documentary research, based on a hypothetical-deductive method, the intention is to rescue the martyrdoms of that time, demonstrating what actually happened to indigenous peoples during the Military Regime, in the simplest attempt to remember or even disclose to those who are unaware of this part of history. All that said, don't you forget. So that it never happens again.


Author(s):  
Aoláin Fionnuala Ní

Principle 29 deals with restrictions on the jurisdiction of military courts. Under this Principle, the adjudication of human rights violations by military courts is explicitly excluded, and ordinary domestic courts are mandated as the only appropriate venue of judicial oversight. Nevertheless, military courts remain functionally important for the routine and uncontroversial deployment of military law consistent with international law. The chapter first provides a contextual and historical background on Principle 29 before discussing its theoretical framework and how military courts are used in various countries such as Ireland and Turkey. Issues arising when civilians find themselves within the jurisdiction of military courts are also examined, along with the difficulties of ensuring fair trials in military courts. This chapter shows that military courts, while certainly serving important functions within the military forces of states, remain subject to human rights and humanitarian law compliance.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vito D'Orazio

Sometimes states repress political campaigns harshly, and sometimes they do not. Why? I argue that military cooperation with liberal democracies constrains the state from using severe forms of repression against opposition campaigns. Liberal democracies face costs for human rights violations by their friends, and are likely to coerce the military from repressive actions. Such interconnectedness also socializes the military with democratic militaries that have strong norms against the use of widespread and excessive repression. However, the military is not the only repressing agency, and therefore this constraint does not act to prevent repression but rather to limit its severity. This theory is tested using the NAVCO data and a new, latent measure of military cooperation. I find that military cooperation with liberal democracies does not prevent the state from repressing opposition movements, but it does limit the severity. This finding provides evidence of one benefit to expanding multinational security cooperation initiatives involving liberal democracies.


2021 ◽  
Vol VI (IV) ◽  
pp. 1-8
Author(s):  
Rubab Musarrat ◽  
Muniba Fatima Zahra ◽  
Amna Ashraf

This study targets to investigate the impact of Inter-Services of Public Relations (ISPR) production, broadcasted during the war against terrorism, on Pakistani youth. It is hypothesized that ISPR productions have helped in inflating the motivation level of Pakistani youth, thus helping in promoting the nationalism and positive image of Pakistan. Furthermore, the role of ISPR productions in motivating youth to join Pakistan's Army is also explored. A cross-sectional survey research design was used. The sample of this study was comprised of youth aged between 18 to 24 years, selected through the non-probability purposive sample. The measures comprised of a self-constructed indigenous questionnaire assessing the impact of ISPR productions during a military operation in image building, promotion of nationalism and motivation to join the army. The data analyzed through SPSS Version 22.00 yielded insightful findings. The finding revealed that watching ISPR productions helped in instilling a fervent attitude of Pakistani youth towards nationalism and the Pakistani military. There had been a clearer inclination of youth to aspire for joining the military for upholding the nationalism beliefs, and this finding appears promising, keeping in mind the relative declining opinion that has been observed in youth from the past decade pertaining to nationalism and military operations.


Urban History ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 42 (4) ◽  
pp. 646-662
Author(s):  
JENNIFER T. HOYT

ABSTRACT:The last military dictatorship to come to power in Argentina is most well known for its atrocious human rights violations. However, this campaign of terror represents just one act carried out in the regime's efforts to counter leftist activities. The military sought to provide responsive administration as a means to pacify the nation. In the national capital, Buenos Aires, the military pursued a comprehensive set of urban reforms meant to streamline and control the metropolis. Cold War ideologies deeply penetrated the every-day and profoundly changed how citizens lived in Buenos Aires.


Asy-Syari ah ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 175-196
Author(s):  
Andrey Sujatmoko

AbstractReparation is an integral part of state responsibility for the past of gross human rights violations committed in any country and it is also legal obligation under international law. Those violations have ever committed in Argentina (1976-1983) and Chile (1973-1990) during the military dictatorship regime. The applied method in this study is descriptive-analytic with historical approach to the reparation efforts for the victims of the past gross human rights violations in those countries. The author concludes that the characteristic of the gross human rights violations committed in Argentina and Chile can be categorized as crime against humanity based on the Rome Statute 1998. Reparations programs by fullfiling economic and social rights of the victims of gross human rights violations have been done by both countries as well.  Keywords: Reparation, Victim, Violation AbstrakPemulihan adalah bagian integral dari tanggung jawab negara atas pelanggaran berat HAM masa lalu yang terjadi di dalam suatu negara dan hal itu juga merupakan kewajiban hukum menurut hukum internasional. Pelanggaran-pelanggaran tersebut pernah terjadi di Argentina (1976-1983) dan Chile (1973-1990) selama rezim diktator militer berkuasa. Metode yang digunakan dalam kajian ini adalah deskriptif analitis dengan pendekatan historis terhadap upaya upaya-upaya pemulihan terhadap para korban pelanggaran berat HAM masa lalu di kedua negara tersebut. Penulis menyimpulkan bahwa karakteristik pelanggaran berat HAM yang terjadi di Argentina dan Cile dapat dikategorikan sebagai kejahatan terhadap kemanusiaan berdasarkan Statuta Roma 1998. Program-program pemulihan dengan memenuhi hak-hak ekonomi dan sosial dari para korban pelanggaran juga telah dilakukan oleh kedua negara itu. Kata Kunci: Pemulihan, Korban, Pelanggaran


2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (38) ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexandre Garcia Araújo ◽  
José Alves Dias

Ditadura e Democracia: o impacto da conciliação sobre as memórias e a constituição da Justiça de Transição no Brasil Dictatorship and Democracy: the impact of conciliation on the memories and constitution of Transitional Justice in BrazilAlexandre Garcia Araújo* José Alves Dias**  REFERÊNCIA ARAÚJO, Alexandre Garcia; DIAS, José Alves. Ditadura e Democracia: o impacto da conciliação sobre as memórias e a constituição da Justiça de Transição no Brasil. Revista da Faculdade de Direito da UFRGS, Porto Alegre, n. 38, p. 121-139, ago. 2018. RESUMOABSTRACTO propósito do artigo é demonstrar como o mecanismo da conciliação foi utilizado para superar a ditadura e retornar à democracia, impactando as memórias construídas sobre o período autoritário, e limitando a conformação de uma Justiça de Transição no Brasil. Os debates em torno do tema se acentuaram, sobremaneira, com a formação da Comissão Especial de Mortos e Desaparecidos Políticos, em 1995, a proposição de revisão da Lei de Anistia, em 2010, e a instituição da Comissão Nacional da Verdade (CNV), em 2011. Neste processo, as vítimas e familiares dos atingidos, e os governos de Fernando Henrique Cardoso, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva e Dilma Rousseff intentaram, em graus e modos diferentes, promover a investigação e responsabilização pela violação de direitos humanos durante a ditadura militar. No contraponto, permaneceram os participantes do Clube Militar que obliteravam quaisquer iniciativas nesse sentido. Diante da correlação de forças, as memórias registradas, inicialmente contrapostas, foram cedendo lugar a um enquadramento gradativo ao ponto de se tornarem difusas no processo de definição da Justiça de Transição. The purpose of the article is to demonstrate how the conciliation mechanism was used to overcome the dictatorship and to return to democracy, impacting the memories built on the authoritarian period, and limiting the conformation of a Transitional Justice in Brazil. The debates on this theme were especially marked by the formation of the Special Committee on Political Deaths and Disappearances in 1995, the proposal to revise the Amnesty Law in 2010 and the establishment of the National Truth Commission (CNV), in 2011. In this process, the victims and relatives of those affected, and the governments of Fernando Henrique Cardoso, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva and Dilma Rousseff, tried in different degrees and in different ways to promote investigation and accountability for human rights violations during the dictatorship military. In counterpoint, the active and reserve military (through the Military Clubs) remained that obliterated any initiatives in this direction. Faced with the correlation of forces, the recorded memories, initially counterposed, gradually gave way to a gradual framework to the point of becoming diffuse in the process of defining the Transitional Justice. PALAVRAS-CHAVEKEYWORDSDitadura. Democracia. Memória. Justiça de Transição.Dictatorship. Democracy. Memory. Transitional Justice.* Professor Substituto da Universidade do Estado da Bahia - UNEB: Campus XX, Brumado-BA. Mestre em Memória, Linguagem e Sociedade pela Universidade Estadual do Sudoeste da Bahia. Advogado.** Professor Titular no Departamento de História e professor permanente do Programa de Pós-Graduação em Memória: Linguagem e Sociedade (PPGMLS), da Universidade Estadual do Sudoeste da Bahia.


2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 27
Author(s):  
Egberto Pereira Dos Reis ◽  
José Carlos Rothen

<p><strong>Resumo:</strong> O presente artigo tem como finalidade abordar a postura da Igreja Católica, diante do regime militar e dos direitos humanos. A nossa pesquisa tem como fonte principal a Revista Eclesiástica Brasileira (REB) no período entre 1972 a 1986. Inicialmente a Igreja apoia o golpe cívico/militar e depois parte dela denuncia as violações de direitos humanos por parte do regime. Assim, identificamos tendências conservadoras e progressistas na instituição eclesial, travando guerras de posição segundo a concepção de Gramsci.</p><p><strong>Palavras-chaves:</strong> Regime militar; Igreja; Direitos humanos; Teologia da Libertação.</p><p><strong>Abstract:</strong> This article has purpose to approach the position of the Catholic Church, before the military regime and human rights. Our research has as its main source Revista Brasileira Ecclesiastical (REB) in the period from 1972 to 1986. Initially the Church supports the civic/military coup and then part of it denounces human rights violations by the regime. Thus, we identified conservative and progressive trends in the ecclesial institution, locking position of wars according to the conception of Gramsci.</p><p><strong>Keywords:</strong> Military regime; Church; Human Rights; Libertation Theology.</p>


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