scholarly journals Why Alice is not in Wonderland? Countering the Militarized status quo of Cyprus

2020 ◽  
pp. 193-208
Author(s):  
Socrates Stratis
Keyword(s):  
Public Spaces ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Situated Knowledge ◽  
Mental Maps ◽  
The Public ◽  
New Associations ◽  
The North ◽  
Spatial Practice ◽  
North Part ◽  
Urban Commons

Why Alice is not in Wonderland? Countering the militarized status quo of Cyprus is a narrative, part of the author’s diary. It is a reflection on a critical spatial practice, a performative event, titled “Alice in Meridianland… or the counter-militarization action”, part of the Buffer Fringe Performance Festival, Nicosia, Cyprus, 2019. The critical spatial practice comments on Cyprus’ actual militarization status by offering alternative urban imaginaries for the urban commons of an island without armies. It has taken place along a loop of streets and public spaces both in the north and the south parts of divided Nicosia. “Alice in Meridianland” is a camouflage tactic to conceal its anti-militaristic nature while crossing the guarded checkpoints into the city’s north part. Two tricycles, pulling 3-meter long banners, have followed the loop in opposite directions, three times. They met at designated areas and formed instant spaces of playful interaction. The narrative unpacks the entanglements between the performative event and the city’s users of the streets and public spaces. It unfolds how the event has generated new associations between the public spaces and the feelings of the participants and of the author. How it readjusted their mental maps and urban imaginaries. The narrative is a reflective tool for critical spatial practices in producing situated knowledge.

scholarly journals Recognition in international law: The case of Kosovo and Metohija

2015 ◽  
pp. 289-306
Author(s):  
Tijana Surlan
Keyword(s):  
International Law ◽  
Constitutive Theory ◽  
Sovereign State ◽  
Public International Law ◽  
The Public ◽  
The North ◽  
Official Position ◽  
The Status ◽  
North Part ◽  
The Eu

Recognition is an instrument of the public international law founded in the classical international law. Still, it preserves its main characteristics formed in the period when states dominated as the only legal persons in international community. Nevertheless, the instrument of recognition is today as vibrant as ever. As long as it does not have a uniform legal definition and means of application, it leaves room to be applied to very specific cases. In this paper, the instrument of recognition is elaborated from two aspects - theoretical and practical. First (theoretical) part of the paper presents main characteristics of the notion of recognition, as presented in main international law theories - declaratory and constitutive theory. Other part of the paper is focused on the recognition in the case of Kosovo. Within this part, main constitutive elements of state are elaborated, with special attention to Kosovo as self-proclaimed state. Conclusion is that Kosovo does not fulfill main constitutive elements of state. It is not an independent and sovereign state. It is in the status of internationalized entity, with four international missions on the field with competencies in the major fields of state authority - police, judiciary system, prosecution system, army, human rights, etc. Main normative framework for the status of Kosovo is still the UN Resolution 1244. It is also the legal ground for international missions, confirming non-independent status of Kosovo. States that recognized Kosovo despite this deficiency promote the constitutive theory of recognition, while states not recognizing Kosovo promote declaratory theory. Brussels Agreement, signed by representatives of Serbia and Kosovo under the auspices of the EU, has also been elaborated through the notion of recognition - (1) whether it represents recognition; (2) from the perspective of consequences it provokes in relations between Belgrade and Pristina. Official position of Serbian Government is clear - Serbia does not recognize Kosovo as an independent and sovereign state. On the other hand, subject matter of Brussels Agreement creates new means of improvement for Kosovo authorities in the north part of Kosovo. Thus, Serbian position regarding the recognition is twofold - it does not recognize Kosovo in foro externo, and it completes its competences in foro domestico. What has been underlined through the paper and confirmed in the conclusion is that there is not a recognition which has the power to create a state and there is not a non-recognition which has the power to annul a state.

scholarly journals Simulation, Control and Desire. Urban Commons and Semi-Public Space Resilience in the Age of Augmented Transductive Territorial Production

2019 ◽  
pp. 179-198 ◽  
Author(s):  
Manfredo Manfredini
Keyword(s):  
Public Space ◽  
Empirical Studies ◽  
Public Spaces ◽  
Theoretical Framework ◽  
External Control ◽  
The Public ◽  
Spatial Production ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
The Right ◽  
Urban Commons

Considering place-based participation a crucial factor for the development of sustainable and resilient cities in the post-digital turn age, this paper addresses the socio-spatial implications of the recent transformation of relationality networks. To understand the drivers of spatial claims emerged in conditions of digitally augmented spectacle and simulation, it focuses on changes occurring in key nodes of central urban public and semi-public spaces of rapidly developing cities. Firstly, it proposes a theoretical framework for the analysis of problems related to socio-spatial fragmentation, polarisation and segregation of urban commons subject to external control. Secondly, it discusses opportunities and criticalities emerging from a representational paradox depending on the ambivalence in the play of desire found in digitally augmented semi-public spaces. The discussion is structured to shed light on specific socio-spatial relational practices that counteract the dissipation of the “common worlds” caused by sustained processes of urban gentrification and homogenisation. The theoretical framework is developed from a comparative critical urbanism approach inspired by the right to the city and the right to difference, and elaborates on the discourse on sustainable development that informs the United Nations’ New Urban Agenda. The analysis focuses on how digitally augmented geographies reintroduce practices of participation and commoning that reassemble fragmented relational infrastructures and recombine translocal social, cultural and material elements. Empirical studies on the production of advanced simulative and transductive spatialities in places of enhanced consumption found in Auckland, New Zealand, ground the discussion. These provide evidence of the extent to which the agency of the augmented territorialisation forces reconstitutes inclusive and participatory systems of relationality. The concluding notes, speculating on the emancipatory potential found in these social laboratories, are a call for a radical redefinition of the approach to the problem of the urban commons. Such a change would improve the capacity of urbanism disciplines to adequately engage with the digital turn and efficaciously contribute to a maximally different spatial production that enhances and strengthens democracy and pluralism in the public sphere.

Privatization of Public Space: Spatial Practice in the Umbrella Movement

2018 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 449-459
Author(s):  
Kin-Ling Tang
Keyword(s):  
Public Space ◽  
Public Spaces ◽  
Spatial Practices ◽  
Dominant Ideology ◽  
The Public ◽  
Spatial Practice ◽  
Representational Space ◽  
Radical Critique ◽  
Temporal Dimensions

This article argues that in order to understand the resistance potentials of taking space movements, the temporal dimensions and spatial practices implied cannot be neglected, or else there would be a tendency to be overoptimistic about resistance in these movements. Using the Umbrella Movement that took place in Hong Kong in 2014 as a case study, this article notes that representational space and spatial practice by protesters were guided by a dualistic view of the public and the private, which in turn is the dominant ideology in neoliberalism, and that their acts of resistance were not able to go beyond the confines of conceived space. In the movement, protesters reclaimed public spaces through privatizing them. Based on the work of Lefebvre, this article argues that only with a radical critique of neoliberal values embedded in capitalism including the public-private dualism can any real transformations of everyday life and hence revolution be possible.

scholarly journals Implementasi Peraturan Daerah Provinsi Sumatera Utara Tentang Pengutamaan Bahasa Indonesia dan Perlindungan Bahasa dan Sastra Daerah

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 141-152
Author(s):  
Fatma Sani Pane ◽  
Abdul Kadir ◽  
Dumasari Harahap
Keyword(s):  
Qualitative Method ◽  
Group Communication ◽  
Public Spaces ◽  
Regional Literature ◽  
Local Regulation ◽  
The Public ◽  
The North ◽  
Regional Languages ◽  
North Sumatra ◽  
Bahasa Indonesia

This study aims: To analyze how the implementation of local regulation No. 8 of 2017 concerning the prioritization of Indonesian language and the protection of regional languages and regional literature in the DPRD Province North Sumatra Secretariat, Analyze the constraints of the implementation of regional regulations No. 8 of 2017 on prioritizing Indonesian and protecting Regional Languages and Regional Literature at the North Sumatra Provincial DPRD Secretariat. This study uses descriptive qualitative method and data collection techniques through observation, interviews and documentation with informants 5 {five} people and literature studies.Based on the results of this study, that there are still many employees who use Regional Languages in the North Sumatra Provincial DPRD Secretariat Office, this is due to a lack of awareness in using Indonesian language that is good and correct in public spaces and official forums. With this outreach, the public and especially employees in the Sumatra Provincial Secretariat know about it and to communicate prioritize Indonesian and when communicating using Regional Languages so that they are preserved only in group communication.

scholarly journals Espaço Público e Shopping Center na Cidade Contemporânea: Novos Significados do North Shopping em Fortaleza - CE

2012 ◽  
pp. 128-155
Author(s):  
Tiago Estevam Gonçalves ◽  
Tatiane Rodrigues Carneiro
Keyword(s):  
Public Space ◽  
Public Spaces ◽  
Shopping Mall ◽  
Shopping Center ◽  
Shopping Centers ◽  
Private Space ◽  
The Public ◽  
The North ◽  
New Meanings ◽  
The City

Iniciar uma reflexão acerca da cidade atual nos remete à necessidade de construirmos uma análise sobre os shopping centers como espaços que tem atraído um fluxo considerável da população, ocasionando mudanças na relação dos citadinos com os espaços públicos.  Nesta perspectiva, temos como objetivo analisar o  North Shopping, localizado na cidade de Fortaleza, como um espaço de uso popular onde as camadas de menor poder aquisitivo podem adentrar e usufruir de seus atributos. Imbuídos de tal finalidade nosso aporte teórico fundamentou-se em Pintaudi (1992), Dantas (1995), Silva (1996) Lefebvre (1999), Carlos (2001), Gomes (2002) e Serpa (2007). Conclui-se que na cidade de Fortaleza, o North Shopping é um verdadeiro simulacro da realidade, substituindo as experiências cotidianas dos espaços públicos, configurando-se, assim, a supervalorização do espaço privado que se traveste de público tendo repercussões na nova urbanidade fortalezense.  Public Space and Shopping Mall in the Contemporary City: New Meanings of North Shopping in Fortaleza/CE  Abstract Start a discussion about the current city us the need to build an analysis on malls as spaces that have attracted a considerable  flow of people, causing changes in the relationships of the townspeople with the public spaces. In this perpective, we have to anlyze the North Shopping, located in Fortaleza, as a space where the popular use of lower purchasing power can enter and enjoy its atributes. Imbued with this purpose our theoretival approach was bases on Pintaudi (1992), Dantas (1995), Silva (1996) Lefebvre (1999), Carlos (2001), Gomes (2002) e Serpa (2007).  It’s concluded that in the city of Fortaleza, the North Shopping is a true simulation of reality, replacing the daily experiences of public spaces, becoming  thusovervaluation of private space of public who dresss as having impact on new fortaleza’s urbanity. Espacio Público y Centro Comercial en Ciudad Contemporánea: Nuevos Sentidos del North Shopoing en la Fortaleza/CE ResumenIniciar uma reflexión acerca de la actual ciudad nos recuerda la necesidad de construir um análisis acerca de los centros comerciales como espacios que han atraído um flujo considerable de personas, provocando câmbios en la relación de los habitantes de la ciudad com los espacios públicos. Em esta perspectiva, tenemos que analisar el North Shopping, que se encuentra en Fortaleza, como um espacio de uso popular donde lãs camadas de menor poder adquisitivo pueden entrar y disfrutar de sus atributos. Imbuido de esa finalidad nuestro aporte teórico se fundamento em: Pintaudi (1992), Dantas (1995), Silva (1996) Lefebvre (1999), Carlos (2001), Gomes (2002) y Serpa (2004). Se puede concluir que en la ciudad de Fortaleza el North Shopping es uma  verdadera simulación de la realidad, sustituición de las experiencias diárias de los espacios públicos, convertiéndose, asó, la sobrevaluación del espacio privado que se passa por el público tenendo impactos en la nueva urbanidad de Fortaleza.10.7147/GEO10.1573

scholarly journals Performative interventions to re-claim, re-define and produce public space in different cultural and political contexts

2019 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 718-735 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amro Yaghi ◽  
Doina Petrescu ◽  
Krzysztof Nawratek
Keyword(s):  
Public Space ◽  
Social Relations ◽  
Public Spaces ◽  
Content Type ◽  
The Public ◽  
Spatial Practice ◽  
Political Access ◽  
Feminist Theories ◽  
Private Corporations ◽  
Critical Production

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to ask how forms of “performative” interventions can prompt processes of re-thinking, which can, in turn, instigate the critical production of public space. Most importantly, it also asks how this methodology can manifest within various cultural and political contexts. Today, public spaces tend to be controlled either by the state or by private corporations. Neoliberal policies promote commercial interests, which subsequently drives inequality and determines what can and cannot be accessed by the public. The public spaces that are currently present in the neoliberal cities are, in fact, “pseudo” public spaces. Design/methodology/approach In an attempt to form new understandings of this problem, the authors’ approach is rooted in feminist theories of performativity, which focus on how identities are persistently re-produced through performance. These theories consider how the “self” is always entangled within everyday life interactions and how it is shaped by both societal and bodily practices. Framing spaces as shapable, informed by the embodied dialectic relations between spaces and social relations, the study uses forms of performative methodology to create productive disruptions and “constructed situations” (Debord, 2012). This methodology consists of intervention within these spaces in order to produce alternative public space and forms of publicness. Based on research conducted at the Sheffield School of Architecture, as well as a four-day invited workshop at the Floating University Berlin, this study investigates applications of performative practice methodology in the cities of Amman and Berlin. Findings The paper will begin by exploring how the two cities are regulated through various political and planning policies that affect public spaces. This line of enquiry will also involve questioning physical, social and political access to public space in these contexts and analysing the various actants, performative actions and processes that were involved in producing performative interventions. Originality/value The paper will conclude by discussing the potential and limitations of applying and translating such approaches in public spaces within different cultural and political contexts. As such, the study proposes a new methodological framework for re-thinking and provoking the critical production of public space through forms of performative spatial practice.

Studying the Use of Public Spaces in the Library

2013 ◽  
Author(s):  
Francine May
Keyword(s):  
Canadian Journal ◽  
Public Spaces ◽  
Library Science ◽  
Full Paper ◽  
Public Places ◽  
The Public ◽  
Observational Technique ◽  
Mental Mapping ◽  
Mapping Observation

Methods for studying the public places of libraries, including mental mapping, observation and patron mapping are reviewed. Reflections on the experience of adapting an observational technique for use in multiple different library spaces are shared. Sont passées en revue les méthodes pour étudier la place publique des bibliothèques, y compris les représentations mentales, l’observation et la catégorisation des usagers. L’auteure partage ses réflexions sur l’expérience d’adapter une technique d’observation à différents espaces de bibliothèque. ***Full paper in the Canadian Journal of Information and Library Science***

The Tragedy of Lebanon

1984 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-52
Author(s):  
Mahmud A. Faksh
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
World War ◽  
Land Area ◽  
Henry Kissinger ◽  
The North ◽  
Northern Cyprus ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Status ◽  
New States

I.Since the end of World War 11, approximately eighty new states havebeen established. Only two, Pakistan and Cyprus, have undergone theagony of dismemberment when Bangladesh broke off in 1973 and theTurkish Republic of Northern Cyprus was declared in 1983. The worldmay now be witnessing the possible breakup of yet a third state:Lebanon, whose disintegration has been accelerated since the June 1982Israeli invasion.Shortly after the invasion began, Henry Kissinger assessed itsconsequence for Lebanon’s future, concluding, “It is neither desirablenor possible to return to the status quo ante in Lebanon.” One possibleoutcome was that some Syrian and Israeli forces would remain in thenorthern and southern ends, respectively, and the central government’sauthority would ostensibly cover the rest of the country. Implicit in theKissinger diagnosis is the possibility of eventual partition.Though the gloomy assessment by the “wizard” of US. foreign policyshould by no means be construed as a portent of an official shift awayfrom the publicly stated US. support of “Lebanon’s sovereignty andterritorial integrity,” a shadow was cast on the country’s prospects.Subsequent developments have seemed to indicate that Lebanon’sdemise looms larger than at any time since the beginning of the civil warin 1975-76.For over a year and a half national fragmentation has proceededinexorably. What many people once could imagine only with difficulty,they now acknowledge: in reality, Lebanon is facing possible death. TheSouth (35 percent of the land area) is occupied by Israel; the North andthe Biqa’ (45 percent) are controlled by Syria; Kasrawan (15 percent) iscontrolled by the Christian Maronite forces (the Lebanese Front forces),which are not subject to the government’s authority. The rest of thecountry-beleaguered Beirut and environs-was until the February1984 breakdown under the government’s shaky control supported bysymbolic US., French, Italian, and British units. The Multi-NationalForce (MNF) was subject to increasing attacks by Muslim leftist factions,as witnessed in the October 23 bombing of the quarters of U.S.Marines and French troops. Thus, instead of keeping peace, the MNFbecame ,a partisan force trying to protect itself. The US. and Frenchforces in particular seemed to have outlived their usefulness as“peacekeepers.” Recurrent fighting in southern Beirut and in theadjacent Chouf mountains, that pitted Christian Maronites and armyunits against Shi‘ite and Druse Muslims constantly threatened theexistence of President Amin Gemayel’s government and consequently arenewal of the civil war. This situation culminated in February 1984 inthe resignation of the Shafiq al-Wazzan’s cabinet, the loss ofgovernment’s control of West Beirut to Muslim-leftist militias, and theimminent collapse of Amin Gemayel’s presidency ...

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