From the Komagata Maru to six Sikh MPs in Parliament : factors influencing electoral political participation in the Canadian-Sikh community

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Geetika Singh Bagga

In the span of about 100 years Canadian-Sikhs have negotiated the path from political exclusion to political inclusion. This ethno-specific study focuses on the federal and provincial electoral performance of the Canadian-Sikh community and attempts to answer the following research questions. What factors have contributed to these electoral achievements, and what does having representation mean for the Sikh community -- have the results been substantive or symbolic? The research discuses [sic] a range of internal (community specific) and external (structural) factors that have allowed for such electoral success; and utilizes key informant interviews and a political engagement survey to examine community motivations for having elected representation. The study concludes by raising questions about the traditional interpretation around the nature of immigrant integration and political participation. Also highlighted here is the need for further ethnospecific research that recognizes the complexity of the relationship between the factors that influence political participation across different communities.

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Geetika Singh Bagga

In the span of about 100 years Canadian-Sikhs have negotiated the path from political exclusion to political inclusion. This ethno-specific study focuses on the federal and provincial electoral performance of the Canadian-Sikh community and attempts to answer the following research questions. What factors have contributed to these electoral achievements, and what does having representation mean for the Sikh community -- have the results been substantive or symbolic? The research discuses [sic] a range of internal (community specific) and external (structural) factors that have allowed for such electoral success; and utilizes key informant interviews and a political engagement survey to examine community motivations for having elected representation. The study concludes by raising questions about the traditional interpretation around the nature of immigrant integration and political participation. Also highlighted here is the need for further ethnospecific research that recognizes the complexity of the relationship between the factors that influence political participation across different communities.


Author(s):  
Deana A. Rohlinger

The purpose of this chapter is to offer a critical review of the sociological literature on political participation and, in doing so, to underscore the importance of power dynamics to understanding political engagement in the digital age. The author argues that the focus on social movements, the organizations that animate them, and the conditions under which they emerge and decline made it difficult for sociologists to incorporate digital media into their theorizing. A key problem in this regard is that sociologists have not done a good job of accounting for the ability of individuals and small groups to use technologies to advocate for political change. One way for sociologists to rebalance their theoretical and empirical efforts is to think more critically about the relationship between structure and agency and how this might (dis)empower individuals and groups. The author illustrates the utility of this approach by, first, outlining how power shapes whether and how an individual gets politically involved and, then, discussing how power influences the form a group takes as well as its influence in political processes. The chapter concludes with a discussion of directions for future research.


Author(s):  
Melissa R. Gotlieb ◽  
Chris Wells

Young citizens are increasingly seeking fulfillment in expressive modes of political participation, and scholars have begun to examine the implications of this trend for engagement in formal politics. While some argue that expressive practices are “crowding out” participation in more conventional civic activities, others more optimistically contend that they have expanded the political repertoires of young citizens, affording them with more opportunities to be engaged. The authors add clarity to this debate by specifying the conditions under which engagement in one particular form of expressive politics, political consumerism, is associated with conventional participation. An analysis of survey data shows that identification with other political consumers significantly enhances the relationship between political consumerism and traditional political engagement, particularly among younger generations of Americans. The authors argue that engaging in political consumerism alongside others provides an important opportunity for young citizens to develop the civic competencies necessary for engagement in the formal political sphere.


2011 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 70-79 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marko M Skoric ◽  
Grace Kwan

The importance of cultivating political engagement among youth has been widely discussed and its value for a well-functioning democratic society reaffirmed by numerous scholars. This study seeks to understand the relationship between the use of emerging platforms for online sociability and entertainment and political participation among young Singaporeans. Specifically, we focus on the intensity of Facebook use and frequency of video gaming, as well as more specific civic activities taking place on these platforms. The findings indicate that the intensity of Facebook use is related to both online and traditional political participation, while civic gaming is associated with online participation only. There is also evidence linking membership in civic/political Facebook groups with increased online participation. Lastly, although the results suggest that online participation may be an important driver of traditional political participation, the role of traditional media, particularly newspapers, should not be easily dismissed.


Author(s):  
Jody C. Baumgartner

This chapter examines the relationship between the use of the Internet for campaign information and two dimensions of the political engagement of young adults. Drawing on data from a national survey of 18-24 year olds conducted online during the 2008 presidential campaign, it shows that the effect of Internet use for campaign information on political engagement among youth was marginal. While these young adults did take advantage of opportunities to participate on the Internet, reliance on the Internet for campaign information had no significant effect on knowledge about the campaign or more traditional types of political participation. Despite the promise the Internet holds for increasing political interest and participation, those youth who relied on the Internet as their primary source of campaign information did not seem any more inclined to participate in politics than others in their cohort.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 61-85
Author(s):  
Steven Brooke ◽  
Elizabeth R. Nugent

Scholars of Islamism have long grappled with the relationship between political participation and ideological change, theorizing that political exclusion and state repression increase the likelihood of Islamist groups using violence. The trajectory of post-2011 Egypt offers a chance to systematically evaluate these theories using subnational data. Pairing district-level electoral returns from pre-coup presidential elections with post-coup levels of anti-state and sectarian violence, we find that districts where Muslim Brotherhood-affiliated candidate Mohammed Morsi performed well in 2012 witnessed more anti-state and sectarian (anti-Christian) violence following the 2013 military coup. The same relationship holds for the performance of liberal Islamist Abdel Moneim Abu El-Fotouh, which is consistent with arguments that political exclusion alone may also drive violence.


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 131-141 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jasmine Lorenzini

Food democracy calls for a democratization of the production, distribution, and consumption of food. Researchers and lay citizens are showing a growing interest for initiatives associated with food democracy, yet the specific democratic ideals and involvements that make up food democracy have gained limited attention. Many forms of participation associated with food democracy are market-based, such as buying organic food or joining community-supported agricultural projects. Research shows that market-based logics influence multiple spheres of life and threaten democratic ideals. However, scholars working on political participation have not yet analyzed the influence of market-based logics across forms of participation. This article analyses the action repertoire of food democracy to assess the influence of market-based logics on different forms of food activism. It builds on four critiques of market-based politics to question the relationship between different forms of participation and the market. It addresses three research questions: Which forms of political participation do citizens use to democratize the food regime? Which conceptions of democracy relate to these different forms of food activism? Which critiques of market-based politics apply to different forms of food activism? The article highlights the widespread risk of unequal participation, crowding out, commodification, and state retreat across forms of participation used to democratize food regimes. This study provides insights into the types of democratic renewal being experimented with in the framework of food democracy as well as their limits.


1992 ◽  
Vol 13 ◽  
pp. 253-265
Author(s):  
Christopher J. Fleury

Previous research on political participation typically has centered upon voter turnout, modeling it as a function of socio-demographic and structural factors separately and in conjunction. Using aggregate-level data covering the 1980s, this paper updates and extends previous political participation research in the specific regard of voter registration. Particular attention is paid to the relationship between a state’s voter registration level and its degree of interparty competition. An index of interparty competition for the 1980-1989 period — based upon the Ranney index first employed for the 1948-1960 period and later extended by Bibby et al. to 1974-1980 — is presented here for the first time. However, interparty competition and several other demographic and structural factors that traditionally are cited as contributors to voter turnout are found here to be insignificant for predicting voter registration levels. A socio-demographic factor, racial composition, and a structural factor, the closing date for registration, emerge as the most important predictors of aggregate registration level.


2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (5) ◽  
pp. 96-109
Author(s):  
M.V. ISOBCHUK ◽  

The spread of regionalist movements is one of the stable trends in world politics. At the same time, among the researchers of regionalism, there has never been a consensus on the determinants of the success of the regionalist movement: some researchers attribute the structural factors of the region to such, others explain the success of regionalism by the activities of its actors. However, in this vein, the social and organizational characteristics of the regional community are also important. The aim of the study is to determine the influence of the socio-organizational characteristics of the community on the success of the regionalist movement. The research methodology consists in a quantitative (comparison of two groups, regression) analysis of the relationship between the socio-organizational characteristics of communities and the success of the regionalist movement in them. The study revealed statistically significant differences between regionalist regions and regions without a regionalist movement in terms of the parameters of social capital and trust in government bodies at various levels. At the same time, it is not possible to unequivocally declare the relationship between these characteristics and the electoral success of regionalism due to the low explanatory significance of the final regression model. Nevertheless, the study empirically proved the importance of the study of socio-organizational characteristics in the study of regionalism.


Author(s):  
Václav Štětka ◽  
Jaromír Mazák

This article examines the relationship between online political expression and offline forms of political participation in the context of the 2013 Czech Parliamentary elections. It draws on the rapidly growing but still very much inconclusive empirical evidence concerning the use of new media and social network sites in particular for electoral mobilization and social activism, and their impact on more traditional forms of civic and political engagement. The theoretical framework of the paper is inspired by the competing perspectives on the role of social media for democratic participation and civic engagement, the mobilization vs. normalization thesis, as well as by the popular concepts of clicktivism or slacktivism (Morozov, 2009), denouncing online activism for allegedly not being complemented by offline actions and having little or no impact on real-life political processes. With the intention to empirically contribute to these discussions, this study uses data from a cross-sectional survey on a representative sample of the Czech adult population (N=1,653) which was conducted directly following the 2013 Parliamentary elections. The study was driven by the main research question: Is there a link between online political expression during the election campaign and traditional forms of political participation among Czech Facebook users? Furthermore, the analysis examined the relationship between online political participation and a declared political interest, electoral participation and political news consumption. The results obtained from an ordinal logistic regression analysis confirm the existence of a significant positive relationship between the respondents’ level of campaign engagement on Facebook and their political interest, political information seeking as well as traditional (mainly offline) participation activities, including voting.


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