scholarly journals Dialectics of exclusion/inclusion and the naturalization of bonded labour : media representations of migrant workers in Canadian mainstream media

Author(s):  
B Kimiko Inouye

This research examines the ways in which migrant workers are represented in mainstream Canadian news print press. In particular, representations of domestic workers and farm workers are the focus of analysis. This analysis is helpful in revealing the extent to which Canadian nation-state interests, including neo-liberalism and nationalist multicultural sentiment, are articulated within the discourses of the mainstream newsprint media. Emphasized is how neo-liberalism operates within a nation-state where the dominant discourse of multiculturalism is predominant. Overall this research demonstrates that the acceptance of migrant workers is conditional. This type of acceptance is characterized by their limited existence as economic participants in the Canadian economy, and their especially oppressed experiences as social and political participants. Overall this research demonstrates that within the mass media, as one component in the larger discourses of neo-liberal capitalism and multicultural tolerance, the subjectivity and agency of migrant workers goes hugely unrecognized.

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
B Kimiko Inouye

This research examines the ways in which migrant workers are represented in mainstream Canadian news print press. In particular, representations of domestic workers and farm workers are the focus of analysis. This analysis is helpful in revealing the extent to which Canadian nation-state interests, including neo-liberalism and nationalist multicultural sentiment, are articulated within the discourses of the mainstream newsprint media. Emphasized is how neo-liberalism operates within a nation-state where the dominant discourse of multiculturalism is predominant. Overall this research demonstrates that the acceptance of migrant workers is conditional. This type of acceptance is characterized by their limited existence as economic participants in the Canadian economy, and their especially oppressed experiences as social and political participants. Overall this research demonstrates that within the mass media, as one component in the larger discourses of neo-liberal capitalism and multicultural tolerance, the subjectivity and agency of migrant workers goes hugely unrecognized.


Lyuboslovie ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 21 ◽  
pp. 276-292
Author(s):  
Desislava Cheshmedzhieva-Stoycheva ◽  

The focus of the paper is on the neologisms that have occurred in Bulgarian as a result of the pandemic. The corpus of analysis comprises linguistic exchanges collected during some personal conversations of the author with a number of informants as well as occurrences of the encountered neologisms in the social and mainstream media. The neologisms were also compared with the linguistic entries in some reference books and their frequency of use was checked through search engines. One of the main conclusions reached is that despite the fact that some of the analysed neologisms are not part of the official lexicon they are widely used in the social and the mass media, which means they are an active part of everyday life of Bulgarians.


2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Getu Debalkie Demissie ◽  
Tadesse Awoke Ayele ◽  
Sintayehu Daba Wami ◽  
Malede Mequanent Sisay ◽  
Destaw Fetene ◽  
...  

Abstract Background More than hundreds and thousands of migrants and seasonal farm workers move from the highlands (relatively low malaria endemicity areas) to the lowlands (higher malaria endemicity areas) for the development of the corridor of the Amhara region during planting, weeding, and harvesting seasons in each year. Seasonal migrant workers are at high risk of malaria infection. Therefore, evidence of their knowledge level and practice in the prevention of malaria during their stay would be important. Objective The aims of this study was to assess the knowledge and practice of malaria prevention and associated factors among migrants and seasonal farm workers in Northwest Ethiopia. Method A cross-sectional study was conducted from October to November, 2018 in Metema and West Armacheho districts, northwest Ethiopia. A sample of about 950 migrants and seasonal farm workers were included using two stages of cluster sampling technique. Interview administered structured questionnaire was used. Both bi-variable and multivariable binary logistic regressions were applied to identify predictors of malaria prevention. Result The overall good knowledge of malaria (those participants who scored more than 60% of correct response for knowledge related questions) was 50.2% with 95% CI (47.0–53.0) and the overall good practice of malaria (those participants who practiced more than 60% for practice related questions) was 27.2% with 95% CI (244.3–29.9). Age (AOR = 0.51(95%CI; 0.33–0.80)), level of education (AOR = 0.55(95%CI; 0.32–0.94)), using mass media as a source of information (AOR = 2.25(95%CI; 1.52–3.32)) and length of stay at the farming site (AOR = 0.59(95%CI; 0.44–0.79)) were significantly associated with knowledge of malaria prevention. Knowledge (AOR = 6.62(95%CI; 4.46–9.83)), attitude (AOR = 2.17(95%CI1.40–3.37), use of mass media (AOR = 1.64(95%CI; 1.30–2.60)) and the length of stay (AOR = 1.93(95%CI; 1.35—2.77)) in the farming area were significantly associated with practice of malaria prevention. Conclusion The practice of malaria prevention among migrant and seasonal farm workers was low. The programmers and implementers should design tailored malaria intervention programs and strategies for these hard to reach population.


2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dan Mercea

The Mindbomb project was started by a group of young artists, journalists and writers, rich in creative resources. Together they created the social poster. It became a means to hack into the dominant discourse of mainstream politics, the mass media and the advertising industry. This paper will attempt to give an answer to the question: how to localize this critique in a non-differentiated global consumer culture? The argument in this paper centers around the idea that the Mindbomb project started as a challenge to the consumer culture. However, it later developed into a broader critique of contemporary Romanian society. A set of theoretical filters in the literature on aesthetic movements and culture jamming were used to map out the Mindbomb project. The present discussion of a single case may be a relevant addition to existing theoretical debates.


Lituanistica ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 65 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrius Gudauskas

The article deals with the terms of communication science used in the Lithuanian language that specify the means whereby mass communication is carried out. Several different concepts are used in theoretical discourse in Lithuania: the means of mass communication, the media, the mass media (žiniasklaida), media, audiovisual media, and the like. The terms “the mass media” (žiniasklaida) and “the media” (medijos) used in the Lithuanian language are both translated into English as “media”, although these are different words and do not always mean identical things. The Lithuanian compound word (term) žiniasklaida is made of two independent words, žinios (news) and sklaida/skleidimas (dissemination). The Dictionary of the Lithuanian Language defines the word žiniasklaida as measures of periodical information – the press, radio, and television. In fact, when we speak about the radio, television, and printed newspapers in general terms, we often use this particular word of Lithuanian origin – žiniasklaida. Conceptual terms defining the means of communication discussed in the article have peculiar aspects and notional etymological nuances. These rather different terms entered the common usage at the end of the twentieth century and have been used ever since, that is, they are still used in the theoretical literature of communication sciences and in the public discourse of Lithuania of the early twenty-first century. The internationally and globally established scientific concepts “the mass media” and “the media” used to be translated into the Lithuanian language differently and therefore they were treated ambiguously, at times not accurately enough, and deviated from the postulates of the general communication theory. Lithuanian researchers who use the terms discussed in the present article were noticed to have had the universal concept of the mass communication theory, “the mass media”, in mind. The author also addresses the differentiated usage of different terms mentioned in the article in the Lithuanian language and different notional fields that they create. This is discussed when these terms are used synonymically and when they do not refer to identical things. In recent years, attempts to dissociate from the term žiniasklaida became noticeable in the works of Lithuanian researchers (Laima Nevickaitė, Žygintas Pečiulis). The semantic field of this term does not encompass all the existing means of communication as, for example, the terms “media” (medijos) or “the means of mass communication” can do, and this points to the conclusion that the Lithuanian neologism žiniasklaida should be avoided in research texts when we have the concept “the mass media” in mind. It is particularly pertinent in those cases when we refer to the overall communication process encompassing all possible means of communication and all possible effects on the perception of the audience, as well as the audience’s responses to the world we live in. The question of whether the term žiniasklaida could be used to define the conformity of the term “the mainstream media” should be discussed in future studies into the terminology of communication and information science. The author of the article proposes recommendations for correcting both the headline of the article Žiniasklaida in the Lithuanian version of the free online encyclopaedia Wikipedia and its content, whose current references to other languages are as follows: English – mass media, Russian – Sredstva massovoi informatsii (Средства массовой информации), German – Massenmedien, and so on. This would remove the discrepancy between the headlines and the content of encyclopaedic texts. Finally, due to the pluralistic and liberal usage of the terms “the mass media” and “the media”, which is becoming more and more firmly established, this analysis of these terms is relevant and useful in further developing a purposeful discourse of communication and information science and its popularisation.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Triyono Lukmantoro ◽  
Heru Nugroho ◽  
Budiawan .

In 1988, appeared Manufacturing Consent: The Political Economy of the Mass Media written by Edward Herman and Noam Chomsky. The propaganda model put forward in the book is so influential then gets many responses. The propaganda model is based on years of study that describes how the mass media in the US organize backing for particular interests that dictate state and private actions. In support of these interests, the propaganda model shows it in five filters, namely: (1) scope, converged ownership, owner prosperity, and revenue direction of leading corporation of the mass media; (2) advertising as the foremost foundation of profit of the mass media; (3) media reliance on data delivered by administration, companies and ”experts” supported and favored by main informants and representatives of power; (4) ”flak” as a method to punish the media; and (5) ”anticommunism” as a domestic belief and regulator instrument. At the present time, the propaganda model, which puts mainstream mass media as the main institution of information dissemination, is questionable to its ability. Technologically the internet presence allows for rapid development of social media that provides excellent opportunities for netizens to engage in interactivity and participatory culture. It can be seen in the phenomenon of sending and exchanging messages with a variety of content that can not be controlled by the state or mainstream media companies.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 168
Author(s):  
Rully . ◽  
Abdul Basit ◽  
Muji Prabella

Abstrak. Perkembangan era digital saat ini telah memperlihatkan transformasi nyata dari perubahan ruang periklanan. Iklan dalam bentuk film telah menjadi bagian dari media massa sebagai salah satu media representasi yang merupakan cerminan dari masyarakat. Bukalapak melalui YouTube, membalut makna feminisme dalam kemasan film AFTER 11 yang sekaligus merupakan iklan untuk membangun pandangan agar masyarakat lebih berdaya. Dengan memperlihatkan figur perempuan seorang ibu yang tidak hanya berkiprah di ranah domestik, namun dapat melakukan aktifitas ataupun pekerjaan yang bersifat maskulin. Karakter perempuan yang menyadari kebebasannya membuat menarik untuk menguak dan menelitinya dari sisi feminisme, dengan menggunakan analisis semiotika Roland Barthes yang memaparkan denotasi, konotasi dan mitos. Kesimpulan dari penelitian ini menunjukan bahwa ada ideologi feminisme yang ingin dibawa oleh Bukalapak melalui media iklan dalam film AFTER 11, bahwa perempuan saat ini dapat beraktifitas sebebas-bebasnya tanpa perlu khawatir dan mampu berperan ganda dalam memenuhi kebutuhan anaknya, selain itu juga Bukalapak ingin mendobrak stereotip menjadi pengusaha harus dengan modal yang besar dan biasanya hal ini hanya dapat dilakukan oleh kaum kapitalis, namun dengan Bukalapak, UKM atau individu, ataupun hanya seorang ibu rumah tangga, dapat berdaya dan tangguh.Abstract. The development of the digital era today has shown a real transformation of the changing advertising space. Advertising in the form of films has become part of the mass media as one of the media representations that are a reflection of society. Bukalapak through YouTube, wrapped the meaning of feminism in the AFTER 11 film packaging which is also an advertisement to broaden views so that people are more empowered. By showing a female figure as a mother who not only takes part in the domestic sphere, but also carry out activities or jobs that are masculine. The character of women who realize their freedom makes it interesting to uncover and examine it from the side of feminism, using Roland Barthes's semiotic analysis which presents denotations, connotations and myths. The conclusion of this study shows that there is an ideology of feminism that Bukalapak wants to bring through the advertising media in the film AFTER 11, that women today can work as freely as possible without worrying and being able to play a dual role in meeting their children's needs, besides that Bukalapak also wants to break stereotypes being an entrepreneur must be with big capital and usually this can only be done by the capitalists, but with Bukalapak, UKM or individual, or just a housewife, can be empowered and resilient.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-28
Author(s):  
Sania Nizar Putri Ashari ◽  
Koesmoyo Ponco Aji

The rise of cases of non-procedural irregular migrant workers who are treated badly while working abroad has become a problem that is constantly being discussed in the mass media. Direct socialization to the community is expected to reduce the number of cases of Non-Procedural PMI. By targeting areas that send a lot of irregular migrant workers, it is hoped that they can open their eyes to register according to procedures and not be tempted by the incitement of irresponsible and unlawful labor sending agents.


2021 ◽  
pp. 309-327
Author(s):  
M. S. Belousov ◽  
A. S. Belousov ◽  
A. I. Kuru

This article is devoted to the analysis of the rhetoric presented in the Russian press in 1814—1818 regarding the imperial policy in the newly annexed Kingdom of Poland. The aim of the authors is to show that it is necessary to separate the real policy of the Russian autocracy in this territory from the images created first by French publicists, and then repeatedly exaggerated by Russian journalists. It is noted that Alexander I in 1814—1818 appears on the pages of French publications as a tsar-liberator. It is shown that these stories were quickly picked up by Russian newspapers and magazines and, as a result, a paradoxical picture emerged: for several years the mass media convinced the Russian society that the Russian Tsar was the new Polish national sovereign. It is argued that this, of course, caused rejection in conservative circles and among advanced Westerners such as Vyazemsky or Turgenev. It is concluded that it is the dominant discourse that can be considered, on the one hand, one of the factors in the emergence of the Decembrist movement, and on the other, a “trap” for Alexander I, since the liberal rhetoric of the press over time began to diverge more and more from the real policy of the Russian autocracy.


First Monday ◽  
2005 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sandor Vegh

This paper provides a thorough analysis of the mainstream media representation of hackers, hacking, hacktivism, and cyberterrorism. The intensified U.S. debate on the security of cyberspace after September 11, 2001, has negatively influenced the movement of online political activism, which is now forced to defend itself against being labeled by the authorities as a form of cyberterrorism. However, these socially or politically progressive activities often remain unknown to the public, or if reported, they are presented in a negative light in the mass media. In support of that claim, I analyze five major U.S. newspapers in a one–year period with 9–11 in the middle. I argue that certain online activities are appropriated for the goals of the political and corporate elite with the help of the mass media under their control to serve as pretext for interventions to preserve the status quo. Thus, the media portrayal of hacking becomes part of the elite’s hegemony to form a popular consensus in a way that supports the elite’s crusade under different pretexts to eradicate hacking, an activity that may potentially threaten the dominant order.


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