scholarly journals The ‘Not so Safe’ Third Country Agreement: An Analysis of the Canada-U.S. Safe Third Country Agreement

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amrit Parhar

This major research paper examines the impact of the Canada- U.S. Safe Third Country Agreement relating to the current refugee crisis, especially with the current American presidential administration with Donald Trump. The Safe Third Country Agreement between Canada and the United States was implemented on December 29th, 2004 and will be examined in terms of its relations to state security and human security in the current refugee context. The paper provides context to the current refugee crisis with the Safe Third Country Agreement under the Trump Administration. The paper examines the theory of criminalization in relation to the unintended consequences of the Safe Third Country Agreement. The paper also provides a policy analysis and a critical analysis of the Safe Third Country Agreement. The paper also provides possible solutions and recommendations to either suspend or abolish the Safe Third Country Agreement. Key Words: Safe Third Country Agreement, Criminalization, Refugees, Non-Refoulement

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amrit Parhar

This major research paper examines the impact of the Canada- U.S. Safe Third Country Agreement relating to the current refugee crisis, especially with the current American presidential administration with Donald Trump. The Safe Third Country Agreement between Canada and the United States was implemented on December 29th, 2004 and will be examined in terms of its relations to state security and human security in the current refugee context. The paper provides context to the current refugee crisis with the Safe Third Country Agreement under the Trump Administration. The paper examines the theory of criminalization in relation to the unintended consequences of the Safe Third Country Agreement. The paper also provides a policy analysis and a critical analysis of the Safe Third Country Agreement. The paper also provides possible solutions and recommendations to either suspend or abolish the Safe Third Country Agreement. Key Words: Safe Third Country Agreement, Criminalization, Refugees, Non-Refoulement


2017 ◽  
Vol 111 (4) ◽  
pp. 1027-1035

In June 2017, President Donald Trump announced a plan to roll back various steps taken by his predecessor toward normalizing relations between the United States and Cuba. A senior official for the administration announced the plan in a White House press briefing:The President vowed to reverse the Obama administration policies toward Cuba that have enriched the Cuban military regime and increased the repression on the island. It is a promise that President Trump made, and it's a promise that President Trump is keeping.With this is a readjustment of the United States policy towards Cuba. And you will see that, going forward, the new policy under the Trump administration, will empower the Cuban people. To reiterate, the new policy going forward does not target the Cuban people, but it does target the repressive members of the Cuban military government.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Made Fitri Padmi ◽  
Zaenab Yulianti

AbstrakTulisan membahas tentang kebijakan imigrasi Donald Trump pada 2 tahun pertama dan dampaknya terhadap masyarakat imigran di Amerika Serikat. Kebijakan imigrasi yang penulis bahas dalam tulisan ini adalah Executive Order di tandatangi Donald Trump pada tahun 2017 terkait larangan akses masuk masyarakat dari tujuh negara muslim yang menurut Amerika Serikat merupakan negara pendukung terorisme. Karya tulis ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif dan studi kepustakaan serta penyajian data secara eksplanatif. Dalam tulisan ini menunjukan bahwa kebijakan imigrasi Donald Trump mengakibatkan dampak terhadap imigran dari tujuh negara muslim yang ada dan calon imigran yang akan menuju ke Amerika Serikat. Selain dampak terhadap sasaran utama, kebijakan ini juga berdampak pada imigran-imigran lain diluar tujuh negara tersebut serta keamanan, tindakan diskriminasi dan fenomena Xenophobia dan Islamophobia di Amerika Serikat.Kata Kunci: Donald Trump, Executive Order, Imigran, Diskriminasi AbstractThis paper discussed the impact of Donald Trump's immigration policy in the first 2 years against immigrant communities in the United States. The immigration policy that the writer discussed in this paper was the Executive Orders which was signed by Donald Trump in 2017 related to the prohibition of entry into the United States from seven Muslim countries, which according to the United States is a country supporting terrorism. This paper used a qualitative approach and literature study as well as an explanatory data presentation. The results of this paper showed that Donald Trump's immigration policy has had an impact on immigrants from seven existing Muslim countries and prospective immigrants heading to the United States. In addition to the impact on the main targets, this policy also affected other immigrants outside the seven countries as well as security, acts of discrimination and the phenomenon of Xenophobia and Islamophobia in the United States.  Keywords: Donald Trump, Executive Order, Immigrants, Discrimination


Subject China's options for retaliating against US firms during trade tensions. Significance US President Donald Trump tweeted yesterday that he is working with China's President Xi Jinping to get China's telecoms giant, ZTE, "back in business, fast" -- even though it was penal US sanctions that forced the company to announce last week that it was stopping operations. The Trump administration is divided on whether its objective in threatening imports tariffs on Chinese goods worth 50 billion dollars, effective May 22, is to strike a deal to cut China's trade surplus with the United States or to change China's industrial practices. Impacts Compliance costs will rise even if trade tensions subside. Investors in industries that China sees as strategic (eg, semiconductors and integrated circuits) may face unwritten screening rules. Investors in automobile, aircraft and shipping manufacturing and finance may find new opportunities to enter the market.


2019 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 240-253 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sergey Yu Belokonev ◽  
Sergey A Vodopetov ◽  
Vladimir G Ivanov

The authors analyze the impact of migration from Venezuela on the domestic policy of the United States. According to the data for 2017, more than 11 percent of immigrants to the United States from South America are Venezuelans, and the same figure for 2016 was close to 9 percent, which indicates a fairly sharp increase in the number of refugees. An active influx of Venezuelans may be one of the key factors in the future US 2020 presidential elections. The largest diaspora of Venezuelans in the United States lives in Florida, which will be one of the key states in the future presidential election campaign. In connection with the potential loss of Republican’s positions in such an important region as Florida, it is necessary for the administration of Donald Trump to reconsider its policy in the state. In addition, representatives of the Democratic party are greatly interested in increasing influence in the state. Thus, the authors conclude that the administration of Donald Trump generally benefits from the crisis in Venezuela, as it will help to carry out a number of domestic political reforms aimed at economic protectionism and tackling of immigration.


2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 31
Author(s):  
Karina Utami Dewi ◽  
Desti Putri Cahyani

Kebijakan imigrasi Zero Tolerance merupakan salah satu bentuk kebijakan yang diformulasikan oleh pemerintahan Donald Trump dengan tujuan untuk mengurangi jumlah imigran tanpa dokumen yang memasuki wilayah Amerika Serikat. Kebijakan imigrasi ini menjadi isu yang mendapat sorotan dari dunia internasional karena sarat dengan pelanggaran hak-hak asasi manusia, dan memosisikan imigran tanpa dokumen serta anak-anak dalam keadaan yang rentan. Tulisan ini mengelaborasi bahwa kebijakan ini mengindikasikan kekerasan struktural pada penerapannya, dengan menggunakan konsep Kekerasan Struktural yang ditulis oleh Johan Galtung, dan mencoba membuktikan terjadinya kekerasan struktural serta alasan mengapa kebijakan ini dilakukan oleh Amerika Serikat. Terdapat tiga argumen utama pada tulisan ini; pertama, kekerasan struktural terbukti telah dilakukan oleh Amerika Serikat dapat dilihat melalui subjek, objek, serta tindakan dalam konsep Kekerasan Struktural. Kedua, terdapat faktor pendorong yang sifatnya sengaja dan tidak sengaja dalam melakukan kebijakan yang mengakibatkan kekerasan struktural. Yang ketiga, Amerika Serikat menjalankan kebijakan ini dengan menggunakan pendekatan yang menekankan pada reward dan punishment. Kata-kata kunci: imigrasi, kekerasan struktural, Amerika Serikat  Zero Tolerance Immigration Policy is one form of policy formulated by the Donald Trump administration to reduce undocumented immigrants entering the United States. This immigration policy has become an issue of international attention because it is full of human rights violations, and places the undocumented immigrants and children in an unsafe condition. This paper describes that the policy mentioned above indicates structural violence in its implementation, employs the concept of Structural Violence written by Johan Galtung, and tries to prove the occurrence of structural violence and the reasons why this policy was carried out by the United States. There are three main arguments in this paper; first, there is indeed structural violence that has been committed by the United States as observed in the object, subject, and actions in the concept of Structural Violence. Second, there are intended and unintended motivations in implementing this policy, which encouraged structural violence. Third, The United States carries out this policy by using an approach that emphasizes reward and punishment. Keywords: immigration, structural violence, United States


2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Danilo Freire

Although widely seen as unruly and predatory, prison gangs operate as quasi-governments in many American correctional facilities. Inmate groups enforce property rights, regulate illicit markets, and promote cooperation when the state is unable or unwilling to act. Prison gangs are relatively new to the United States, and are best understood as unintended consequences of recent shifts in inmate demographics and the gradual erosion of the convict code. The impact of prison gangs on street-level criminal activities and directions for further research are also discussed.


Significance Though the United States and South Sudan have a long history, the surprise election of Donald Trump could shift Washington’s posture towards Juba. The deepening crisis there has soured a a once-close relationship. Impacts US Africa policy may be determined in large part by Trump’s personnel picks for senior Africa posts. As observers warn of possible genocide, a US government in transition will find itself ill-prepared to respond. The proposed 4,000-strong Regional Protection Force may find less support from the new administration. US humanitarian funding levels should remain high despite potential policy changes.


2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (04) ◽  
pp. 19-27
Author(s):  
Weixing CHEN

The rise of China has shaken, to some extent, the pillars sustaining the US dominance in the world. Facing structural challenges from China, the United States has responded on three levels: political, strategic and policy. The Donald Trump administration has adopted a hard-line approach while attempting to engage China at the structural level. The China–US relationship is entering uncertain times, and the reconstruction of the relationship could take a decade.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 131-170
Author(s):  
V. I. Bartenev

This paper identifi es and explains key changes in the U.S. aid policies towards Arab countries of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) under Donald Trump. It seeks to validate two widespread arguments — the one about the current administration’s revision of pivotal principles of providing foreign assistance, and the other one — about an accelerated disengagement of the United States from the MENA region since 2017. The paper consists of four sections. The fi rst section explores the transformation of the U.S. strategic thinking and regional context under the Trump administration and then posits fi ve hypotheses about possible changes in the volume and composition of the U.S. assistance to the MENA region (in comparison with the fi nal two years of the Obama administration), as well as the diff erences in the executive branch and the Congress’s positions. The second section explains particularities of the statistical data and the methods of its exploration, the third section presents the results of hypothesis testing using aggregated data on aid fl ows to the region, and the fi nal section explains these results, sometimes unexpected, using the data disaggregated by country. Three of fi ve hypotheses proved wrong based on the aggregate data. First, the Trump administration did not cut assistance to the MENA more substantially than to other regions of the globe. Second, it did not ringfence aid accounts which helped yield direct dividends to the U.S. businesses. Third, the Republican Congress was clearly less willing to support the executive’s aid chocies under a new Republican President than during the last years of a Democrat Barack Obama’s second term. Only two hypotheses proved correct — one about a prioritization of security and military assistance under Donald Trump and the other one — about disproportionate cuts of democracy promotion assistance. Such an unexpected result calls for refi ning both aforementioned arguments and taking into account the dissimilarities in the dynamics of assistance to diff erent countries. The United States tends to practice a diff erentiated approach in dealing with two largest Arab aid recipients (Egypt and Jordan) and with other Arab countries. The assistance to Cairo and Amman is ringfenced and protected, while aid to other recipients, including security assistance and FMF grants, is prone to quite drastic cuts. This diff erentiation is explained by the fact that cooperation with Egypt and Jordan rests not only on more solid strategic foundations but also on a strong support within the United States — both from the defense contractors interested in large export contracts and from an infl uential pro-Israel lobby. The U.S. will not abandon this highly diff erentiated approach after the 2020 elections but the structure of assistance to the MENA region might undergo quite a dramatic transformation.


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