scholarly journals Penggunaan Bahasa dalam Spanduk Iklan Partai Politik Periode 2014-2019 di Lombok Timur

2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 38-53
Author(s):  
Muh. Irfan

The research is aimed to investigate the type of diction and language style which used in political party banner advertisement in East Lombok. This research was descriptive qualitative to get some basic information about the diction and language style which used in banner advertisement political party in East Lombok. To collect the data, the researcher used documentation which includes book, newspaper, magazine, photo or picture in order to find out the source. The data were a photo of a political party banner advertisement in East Lombok. The data were analyzed by using textual analysis with particular criteria which concerned with analyzing the language element in the political party banner advertisement in East Lombok. Based on the analysis result there are some findings. The diction used political party banner advertisement in East Lombok were connotative and denotative. The language style used was alliterated, assonance, personification, and hyperbole. After all the hyperbole style was dominated.

2015 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 179 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ahmad Riyadh U.B. ◽  
Hendra Sukmana

The aim of this research was to discuss the model of recruiting candidates for legislative is conducted by political parties in Sidoarjo Regency. This research used descriptive qualitative. This research was conducted at the Governing Council of Political Parties in Sidoarjo Regency. Informants of this study were leaders of political parties in Sidoarjo, legislative candidates from political parties in Sidoarjo. The results showed that the model of recruiting candidates for legislative in accordance with collaboration models included models of Barber, Snowiss, Rush & Althoff et al. This can be seen from some of the steps in the recruitment socialization of registration, selection, after that determination of legislative candidate by a team of Election Campaign Boar (Bappilu) political party in the Sidoarjo Regency and the serial number in accordance with the criteria of the political party chairman and Election Campaign Boar (Bappilu). Furthermore, it is registered with the General Election Commission (KPU) Sidoarjo regency set to be candidates for Legislative (candidates) remain with serial numbers.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 47
Author(s):  
Bayu Priambodo

ABSTRACT                 This research seeks to see the kiai political communication in the nomination of Gus Ipul Puti in the East Java regional election in 2018. East Java Province is the basis of the Nahdlatul Ulama which is the largest religious organization in Indonesia. But in the 2018 elections the two best keders from the Nahdlatul Ulama organization fought in the elections to fight for the number one seat in East Java. The existence of this phenomenon resulted in segregation within the body of the Nahdlatul ulama organization so as to form two major shafts in East Java's political content. The Lirboyo axis is the axis that supports Gus Ipul and Puti while the Tebuireng axis is the axis that supports Khofifaf and Emil. The method in this study uses descriptive qualitative where data is obtained from interviews with several scholars who support the nomination of Gus Ipul and Puti. The results of this study indicate that the kiai political communication in nominating Gus Ipul as governor had occurred 10 years ago precisely in the East Java regional election in 2008 but because at that time Gus Ipul did not yet have a political party, he was paired with Soekarwo to become deputy governor. The political communication produced a document called the Lirboyo agreement which contained Gus Ipul who would accompany Seokarwo for two periods as deputy governor. The results of political communication were not violated for 10 years because at the time of the 2013 East Java regional election Gus Ipul was still accompanying Seokarwo as deputy governor..Keywords:  Political communication, kiai, nahdlatul ulama, local election. ABSTRAK Penelitian  ini berusaha untuk melihat komunikasi politik kiai dalam pencalonan Gus Ipul Puti pada pilkada Jawa Timur di tahun 2018. Provinsi Jawa Timur merupakan basis dari Nahdlatul Ulama yang merupakan organisasi keagamaan terbesar di Indonesia. Namun dalam pemilu tahun 2018 dua keder terbaik dari organisasi Nahdlatul Ulama bertarung dalam pilkada untuk memperebutkan kursi no satu yang ada di Jawa Timur. Dengan adanya fenomena tersebut mengakibatkan terjadinya segregasi di dalam tubuh organisasi Nahdlatul ulama sehingga membentuk dua poros besar dalam kontentasi politik Jawa Timur. Poros Lirboyo adalah poros yang mendukung Gus Ipul dan Puti sedangkan poros Tebuireng adalah poros yang mendukung Khififaf dan Emil. Metode dalam penelitian ini menggunakan kualitatif deskritif dimana data diperoleh dari wawancara dengan beberapa kiai yang mendukung pencalonan Gus Ipul dan puti. Hasil dari penelitian ini menujukkan bahwa komunikasi politik kiai dalam mencalonkan Gus Ipul sebagai gubernur sudah terjadi sejak 10 tahun lalu tepatnya pada pilkada Jawa Timur tahun 2008 namun karena saat itu Gus Ipul belum memiliki partai politik akhirnya dipasangkan dengan Soekarwo untuk menjadi wakil gubernur. Komunikasi politik tersebut menghasilkan dokumen yang dinamakan perjanjian Lirboyo yang isinya Gus Ipul akan mendampingi Seokarwo selama dua periode menjadi wakil gubernur. Hasil komunikasi politik tersebut tidak dilanggar selama 10 tahun karena pada waktu pilkada Jawa Timur tahun 2013 Gus Ipul masih mendampingi Seokarwo sebagai wakil gubernur.Kata Kunci: Komunikasi politik, kiai, nahdlatul ulama, pilkada


Author(s):  
Piero Ignazi

Chapter 3 investigates the process of party formation in France, Germany, Great Britain, and Italy, and demonstrates the important role of cultural and societal premises for the development of political parties in the nineteenth century. Particular attention is paid in this context to the conditions in which the two mass parties, socialists and Christian democrats, were established. A larger set of Western European countries included in this analysis is thoroughly scrutinized. Despite discontent among traditional liberal-conservative elites, full endorsement of the political party was achieved at the beginning of the twentieth century. Particular attention is paid to the emergence of the interwar totalitarian party, especially under the guise of Italian and German fascism, when ‘the party’ attained its most dominant influence as the sole source and locus of power. The chapter concludes by suggesting hidden and unaccounted heritages of that experience in post-war politics.


Author(s):  
Piero Ignazi

Chapter 1 introduces the long and difficult process of the theoretical legitimation of the political party as such. The analysis of the meaning and acceptance of ‘parties’ as tools of expressing contrasting visions moves forward from ancient Greece and Rome where (democratic) politics had first become a matter of speculation and practice, and ends up with the first cautious acceptance of parties by eighteenth-century British thinkers. The chapter explores how parties or factions have been constantly considered tools of division of the ‘common wealth’ and the ‘good society’. The holist and monist vision of a harmonious and compounded society, stigmatized parties and factions as an ultimate danger for the political community. Only when a new way of thinking, that is liberalism, emerged, was room for the acceptance of parties set.


Author(s):  
Benjamin von dem Berge ◽  
Thomas Poguntke

This chapter introduces a new, two-dimensional way of measuring intra-party democracy (IPD). It is argued that assembly-based IPD and plebiscitary IPD are two theoretically different modes of intra-party decision-making. Assembly-based IPD means that discussion and decision over a certain topic takes place at the same time. Plebiscitary IPD disconnects the act of voting from the discussion over the alternatives that are put to a vote. In addition, some parties have opened up plebiscitary decision-making to non-members which is captured by the concept of open plebiscitary IPD. Based on the Political Party Database Project (PPDB) dataset, indices are developed for the three variants of IPD. The empirical analyses here show that assembly-based and plebiscitary IPD are combined by political parties in different ways while open party plebiscites are currently a rare exception.


Author(s):  
Annika Hennl ◽  
Simon Tobias Franzmann

The formulation of policies constitutes a core business of political parties in modern democracies. Using the novel data of the Political Party Database (PPDB) Project and the data of the Manifesto Project (MARPOR), the authors of this chapter aim at a systematic test of the causal link between the intra-party decision mode on the electoral manifestos and the extent of programmatic change. What are the effects of the politics of manifesto formulation on the degree of policy change? Theoretically, the authors distinguish the drafting process from the final enactment of the manifesto. Empirically, they show that a higher autonomy of the party elite in formulating the manifesto leads to a higher degree of programmatic change. If party members constrain party elite’s autonomy, they tend to veto major changes.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-19
Author(s):  
Benjamin Moffitt

Abstract How does a political party become ‘mainstream’? And what makes some parties receive arguably the opposite designation – ‘pariah party’? This conceptual article examines the processes by which parties’ mainstream or pariah status must be constructed, negotiated and policed, not only by political scientists in the pursuit of case selection, but by several actors actively involved in the political process, including media actors and political parties themselves. It explains how these actors contribute to these processes of ‘mainstreaming’ and ‘pariahing’, considers their motivations and provides illustrative examples of how such processes take place. As such, the article moves beyond the literature on the ways in which mainstream parties seek to deal with or respond to threats from a variety of pariah parties, instead paying attention to how those parties have been constructed as pariahs in the first place, and how these processes simultaneously contribute to the maintenance of mainstream party identities.


1938 ◽  
Vol 32 (6) ◽  
pp. 1099-1123
Author(s):  
O. R. Altman

The election returns of November, 1936, seemed to portray a democracy strongly united behind a leader and a program of action. It appeared that Franklin D. Roosevelt and his New Deal platform had been endorsed by nearly every interest and section in the United States, and an overwhelmingly Democratic Congress selected to enact into law those principles for which he “had just begun to fight.” Within six months, however, that unity started to disintegrate. Congress began to dissect carefully the program which the President proclaimed to be both beneficial for the entire country and politically prudent for the political party which he headed.


Slavic Review ◽  
2004 ◽  
Vol 63 (1) ◽  
pp. 66-89 ◽  
Author(s):  
Venelin I. Ganev

Infamously, the 1991 Bulgarian Constitution contains a provision banning political parties “formed on an ethnic basis.” In the early 1990s, the neo-communist Bulgarian Socialist Party invoked this provision when it asked the country's Constitutional Court to declare unconstitutional the political party of the beleaguered Turkish minority. In this article, Venelin I. Ganev analyzes the conflicting arguments presented in the course of the constitutional trial that ensued and shows how the justices’ anxieties about the possible effects of politicized ethnicity were interwoven into broader debates about the scope of the constitutional normative shift that marked the end of the communist era, about the relevance of historical memory to constitutional reasoning, and about the nature of democratic politics in a multiethnic society. Ganev also argues that the constitutional interpretation articulated by the Court has become an essential component of Bulgaria's emerging political order. More broadly, he illuminates the complexity of some of the major issues that frame the study of ethnopolitics in postcommunist eastern Europe: the varied dimensions of the “politics of remembrance“; the ambiguities of transitional justice; the dilemmas inherent in the construction of a rights-centered legality; and the challenges involved in establishing a forward-looking, pluralist system of governance.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document