scholarly journals The Importance of Community Understanding of Political Ethics and Culture in Developing A Democratic Political Culture in Indonesian Regions

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-28
Author(s):  
Suko Wiyono ◽  
Wahyu Hindiawati ◽  
Dhian Kartikasari ◽  
Zulfikar Ramadhan
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Ethics ◽  
Legal Research ◽  
Ethical Behaviors ◽  
The Reformation ◽  
Education Training ◽  
Statutory Regulation ◽  
The Ideal ◽  
Ethical Character

The reformation initiated and marked by President Suharto's fall (21 May 1998) is essentially a demand to carry out democratization in all fields. In the Indonesian context, understanding ethics and political culture in the midst of demands for democratization in all fields is a necessity because the Indonesian nation is, in reality, a diverse nation, from the aspects of ethnicity, religion, race and inter-group (SARA), all of which obviously affect the pattern, style, ethical character, and political culture. This research aims to analyze the importance of the people’s understanding of ethics and political culture in developing a democratic political culture in Indonesian regions.  The method used is normative legal research by analyzing norms in the Indonesian constitution, laws, and other legal sources.  The result of this research us that the efforts to understand the society's political ethics and culture based on Pancasila in the current reformation era, especially in regional areas, are significant because the Indonesian nation is carrying out reforms in all fields which, of course, require the support of all elements of society to behave in ethical ways and uphold a Pancasila-based culture. Various efforts to form ethical behaviors and culture based on Pancasila should be immediately carried out by both the state and all Indonesian citizens. These efforts, in addition to education, training, workshops and seminars, should be associated with Pancasila ideology, the noble values of Pancasila should be included in every statutory regulation in Indonesia, and which is no less important and in fact the most important, is the examples set by leaders, both at local and national levels, so that democratization which is the ideal of the reformation can be achieved in accordance with the noble values of Pancasila.

scholarly journals The Expansion of Administrative Decision Meaning Based on Government Administration Law: a Dispute Submission Process Approach

2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 13
Author(s):  
I Gusti Ngurah Wairocana ◽  
I Ketut Sudiarta ◽  
I Wayan Bela Siki Layang ◽  
Kadek Agus Sudiarawan ◽  
I Gede Pasek Pramana
Keyword(s):  
Process Approach ◽  
The State ◽  
Legal Research ◽  
Theoretical Concepts ◽  
Government Administration ◽  
Submission Process ◽  
Potential Loss ◽  
Legal Implication ◽  
Legal Consequences ◽  
The Ideal

The establishment of Government Administration Law brings significant change to the competence of the previously restricted Administrative Court to become expanded. This study aims to find the philosophical considerations from the extension of Administrative Decision meaning on Government Administration Law, to classify the legal implication arising from the regulation of the expansion of administrative decision meaning towards dispute submission process in Administrative Court and to formulate ideal attitude of the State Administrative Judge in resolving State Administrative Disputes. This is a combination of normative and empirical legal research. The study indicated that the legislator main consideration in regulating the expansion of administrative decision meaning on Government Administration Law is to expand the absolute competence of Indonesian Administrative Court which previously felt very narrow. The implication arises after new regulation consists of: the expansion of Administrative Court adjudicate authority for factual actions, subject expansion that have the authority to issue Administrative Decision, the expansion of the Administrative Court adjudicate authority over Administrative Decision which has a legal consequences although still need the approval from above instance, the regulation that Administrative Decision can be sued through the Administrative Court of any potential loss that may arise by the issuance of its Administrative Decision and the expansion towards the parties who have a chance to field a State Administrative accusation. The ideal attitude of State Administrative Judge is the judge should remain based on the strong theoretical concepts of the law so can create understanding and attitude in handling a case in Indonesian Administrative Court.

Transiting into Singaporean identity: Immigration and naturalisation policy

2015 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-48 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mathews Mathew ◽  
Debbie Soon
Keyword(s):  
Manpower Planning ◽  
The State ◽  
Comparative Perspective ◽  
Policy Discourse ◽  
Optimal Composition ◽  
Skilled Labour ◽  
Planning Policy ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Ideal

Debates in Singapore about immigration and naturalisation policy have escalated substantially since 2008 when the government allowed an unprecedentedly large number of immigrants into the country. This essay will discuss immigration and naturalisation policy in Singapore and the tensions that have been evoked, and how these policies are a key tool in regulating the optimal composition and size of the population for the state’s imperatives. It will demonstrate that although the state has, as part of its broader economic and manpower planning policy to import labour for economic objectives, it seeks to retain only skilled labour with an exclusive form of citizenship.  Even as the Singapore state has made its form of citizenship even more exclusive by reducing the benefits that non-citizens receive, its programmes for naturalising those who make the cut to become citizens which include the recently created Singapore Citizenship Journey (SCJ) is by no means burdensome from a comparative perspective. This paper examines policy discourse and the key symbols and narratives provided at naturalisation events and demonstrates how these are used to evoke the sense of the ideal citizen among new Singaporeans. 

When the State Speaks, What Should It Say?

2012 ◽  
Author(s):  
Corey Brettschneider
Keyword(s):  
Freedom Of Expression ◽  
The State ◽  
Hate Groups ◽  
New Approach ◽  
State Action ◽  
Democratic State ◽  
Theory Of Value ◽  
The Right ◽  
Equal Citizenship ◽  
The Ideal

How should a liberal democracy respond to hate groups and others that oppose the ideal of free and equal citizenship? The democratic state faces the hard choice of either protecting the rights of hate groups and allowing their views to spread, or banning their views and violating citizens' rights to freedoms of expression, association, and religion. Avoiding the familiar yet problematic responses to these issues, this book proposes a new approach called value democracy. The theory of value democracy argues that the state should protect the right to express illiberal beliefs, but the state should also engage in democratic persuasion when it speaks through its various expressive capacities: publicly criticizing, and giving reasons to reject, hate-based or other discriminatory viewpoints. Distinguishing between two kinds of state action—expressive and coercive—the book contends that public criticism of viewpoints advocating discrimination based on race, gender, or sexual orientation should be pursued through the state's expressive capacities as speaker, educator, and spender. When the state uses its expressive capacities to promote the values of free and equal citizenship, it engages in democratic persuasion. By using democratic persuasion, the state can both respect rights and counter hateful or discriminatory viewpoints. The book extends this analysis from freedom of expression to the freedoms of religion and association, and shows that value democracy can uphold the protection of these freedoms while promoting equality for all citizens.

Fragmentation as a Challenge: Tribal and Sectrarian Identities in the Middle East

2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 85-85
Author(s):  
Kleanthis Kyriakidis
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
Cultural Heritage ◽  
Significant Role ◽  
Arabian Gulf ◽  
The State ◽  
Islamic Revolution ◽  
Direct Response ◽  
Tribal Identity ◽  
Gulf States ◽  
The Ideal

In the Arabian Gulf two identities can be really considered almost as important as the national one: the tribal and the sectarian ones. Someone should expect that the reinforcement of these identities is a direct response to inequality and processes of exclusion. Furthermore, parochial tribalism is expected to arise as the protector of cultural heritage, especially in a region where the ex-pats vastly outnumber the locals. Nonetheless, both statements are far from truth. In this paper we will analyze how in the Gulf, sectarian identity came to play a significant role only after the 1979 Islamic revolution in Iran and it keeps on surviving through mainly instigations and Iranian propaganda, provocations and support. It should be noted that Sunni identity has been allegedly subjugated in other Middle East States (mainly in Syria and Iraq) but in the Gulf the sectarian challenge stems from the Shia communities, openly supported by Tehran. Strangely enough, the tribal identity does not pose that much of a challenge, since tribes are more the friend than the enemy of all Gulf States. Actually, these countries could not have survived without the loyalty and commitment of the tribes not only to the Royal families but also to the idea of the State and the ideal of the Nation – and Gulf Nations do protect their cultural heritage. Keywords: Gulf, Globalization, Fragmentation, Sectarianism, Tribalism

The Political Theory of the Disruption

1916 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 437-464 ◽  
Author(s):  
Harold J. Laski
Keyword(s):  
Political Theory ◽  
Political Authority ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Reformation ◽  
Secular Society ◽  
The One ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Political Principles ◽  
The Church

“Of political principles,” says a distinguished authority, “whether they be those of order or of freedom, we must seek in religious and quasi-theological writings for the highest and most notable expressions.” No one, in truth, will deny the accuracy of this claim for those ages before the Reformation transferred the centre of political authority from church to state. What is too rarely realised is the modernism of those writings in all save form. Just as the medieval state had to fight hard for relief from ecclesiastical trammels, so does its modern exclusiveness throw the burden of a kindred struggle upon its erstwhile rival. The church, intelligibly enough, is compelled to seek the protection of its liberties lest it become no more than the religious department of an otherwise secular society. The main problem, in fact, for the political theorist is still that which lies at the root of medieval conflict. What is the definition of sovereignty? Shall the nature and personality of those groups of which the state is so formidably one be regarded as in its gift to define? Can the state tolerate alongside itself churches which avow themselves societates perfectae, claiming exemption from its jurisdiction even when, as often enough, they traverse the field over which it ploughs? Is the state but one of many, or are those many but parts of itself, the one?

Peasant-State Relation in Late Medieval North India (Mewat)

2017 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 148-191
Author(s):  
Suraj Bhan Bhardwaj
Keyword(s):  
Social Ethics ◽  
The State ◽  
North India ◽  
Class Consciousness ◽  
Ruling Class ◽  
Economic Interests ◽  
Late Medieval ◽  
Peasant Society ◽  
Medieval India ◽  
The Ideal

Studies on peasantry in medieval India 1 , particularly peasant protests in the late Mughal period, have not adequately addressed the issue of class consciousness in peasantry or that of class character of peasant protests against the state. In a way, agency has been denied to the peasantry in collectively developing and articulating an informed understanding of its distinct social position and economic interests as a class, as well as in protecting those interests. This essay retrieves this agency by arguing that the peasantry in late medieval north India, that is, late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries ce, did develop a degree of self-consciousness as a class and that its conflict with the state did betray a certain class character. The folksongs and folktales popular among the peasantry since the medieval times have all the ingredients with which to construct a definite peasant class ideology that included conceptions of economic interest, social ethics and relation with the ruling class. On the basis of hitherto understudied Rajasthani documents, the article details the various ways in which the state intervened in the peasants’ socio-cultural and economic lives and the ways in which the peasants responded to these interventions. It also shows how the peasants’ class consciousness conditioned their engagement with the state in specific areas, whether grievance redressal, conflict resolution or agricultural production and surplus distribution. Furthermore, it discusses how caste consciousness in a stratified peasant society impinged on its class consciousness. However, there remained certain limits to the fuller development of this class consciousness, which ultimately constrained the fuller realisation of the potential of peasants’ class struggle against the state. The essay locates these limits in the peasants’ periodic negotiations with the state and their belief in the ideal of a non-conflictual, harmonious relation with the state.

scholarly journals Contested Numbers: Census Controversies and the Press in 1960s Nigeria

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-19
Author(s):  
Gerardo Serra ◽  
Morten Jerven
Keyword(s):  
Public Sphere ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
Cultural History ◽  
The State ◽  
Population Census ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Press ◽  
Distribution Of Resources ◽  
The Public Sphere

Abstract This article reconstructs the controversies following the release of the figures from Nigeria's 1963 population census. As the basis for the allocation of seats in the federal parliament and for the distribution of resources, the census is a valuable entry point into postcolonial Nigeria's political culture. After presenting an overview of how the Africanist literature has conceptualized the politics of population counting, the article analyses the role of the press in constructing the meaning and implications of the 1963 count. In contrast with the literature's emphasis on identification, categorization, and enumeration, our focus is on how the census results informed a broader range of visual and textual narratives. It is argued that analysing the multiple ways in which demographic sources shape debates about trust, identity, and the state in the public sphere results in a richer understanding of the politics of counting people and narrows the gap between demographic and cultural history.

Radical Political Unionism as a Strategy for Revitalization in Argentina

2017 ◽  
Vol 45 (6) ◽  
pp. 97-113
Author(s):  
Lucila D’Urso ◽  
Julieta Longo
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
Direct Action ◽  
The State ◽  
Social Organizations ◽  
Toma De Decisiones ◽  
Automotive Parts ◽  
The Relationship

The grassroots union experiment undertaken at the Lear automotive parts factory in Argentina can be seen as a paradigmatic struggle for an understanding of the relationship between unionism and politics. The Lear case reveals that the distinctiveness of radical political unionism lies in the democratic elements of its decision making and its appeal to direct action, its construction of alliances with other social organizations, its linkage of economic demands with broader political objectives, its identification of the management, the state, and the union bureaucracy as adversaries, and its transmission of a leftist political culture. La experiencia sindical de la fábrica de autopartes Lear en Argentina puede ser analizada como un conflicto paradigmático para comprender la relación entre sindicalismo y política. El caso de Lear revela que el carácter distintivo del sindicalismo político radical se encuentra en los mecanismos democráticos de toma de decisiones y en la apelación a medidas de acción directa, la construcción de alianzas con otras organizaciones sociales, la vinculación de las demandas económicas con objetivos políticos más amplios, la identificación de la empresa, el Estado y la burocracia sindical como adversarios y la transmisión de una cultura política de izquierda.

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