scholarly journals Les reliures des livres d’Heures manuscrits de l’Université McGill et la reliure gothique d’origine du McGill, MS 101

2017 ◽  
Vol 39 (4) ◽  
pp. 199-214
Author(s):  
Geneviève Samson

Une reliure sert avant tout à protéger l’ouvrage qu’elle recouvre. Elle doit aussi être considérée comme un élément autonome qui a son esthétique, ses techniques et son histoire propres. Cet article présentera d’abord, de manière générale, les reliures des neuf livres d’Heures manuscrits conservés à McGill, dont certaines sont d’origine et d’autres furent restaurées entre le XVIIe et la fin du XXe siècle. En second lieu, la remarquable reliure originale du manuscrit McGill, MS 101 sera décrite en détail. Cette reliure est la plus représentative du corpus au pour son vocabulaire stylistique de la reliure de la deuxième moitié du XVe siècle avec ses ais, ses fermoirs en laiton torsadé et son cuir décoré à froid de fers dit monastiques. L’analyse codicologique de ces livres d’Heures contribue à l’archéologie du livre médiéval et s’inscrit dans une perspective de mise en valeur de la reliure ancienne en Occident entreprise par de grandes bibliothèques européennes. A book’s binding, above all else, serves to protect the work inside. It must also be considered as an autonomous element that has its own aesthetic, techniques, and history. This article will present, in a general way, the bindings of nine Books of Hours preserved at McGill, some of which are original and others that were restored between the seventeenth century and the end of the twentieth. Secondly, the remarkable original binding of manuscript McGill, MS 101 will be described in detail. This binding is the most representative of the corpus when considering the stylistic vocabulary of book bindings during the second half of the fifteenth century with its panels, braided brass fasteners, and leather which was decorated freehand with a monastic design. The codicological analysis of these Books of Hours contributes to the archeology of the medieval book and follows a perspective of the development of ancient book binding in the West undertaken by great European libraries.

2017 ◽  
Vol 39 (4) ◽  
pp. 19-72
Author(s):  
Johanne Biron

Les Relations et le Journal des jésuites attestèrent la présence de livres d’Heures en Nouvelle-France au XVIIe siècle. À la même époque, les hospitalières de l’Hôtel-Dieu de Québec réclamaient des livres d’Heures auprès de leurs bienfaiteurs européens, perpétuant certaines pratiques de dévotion héritées du Moyen-Âge et de la Renaissance. Deux livres d’Heures du XVe siècle sont conservés aux Archives des jésuites au Canada. Cette enquête vise à retracer les routes que purent emprunter les deux manuscrits avant d’entrer dans les Archives du Collège Sainte-Marie fondées en 1844 par le père Félix Martin. À la fin du XIXe et au début XXe siècle, les deux livres furent mis en valeur par le père Arthur Edward Jones, dans le cadre d’expositions consacrées aux manuscrits des premiers missionnaires jésuites en Amérique du Nord. Cette enquête vise aussi à prendre la mesure de l’intérêt que ces Heures suscitèrent chez les bibliophiles jésuites et laïcs. The Jesuit Relations and the Journal des jésuites attest to the presence of Books of Hours in New France during the seventeenth century. At the same time, the Hospitallers of the Hôtel-Dieu in Quebec were demanding Books of Hours from their European benefactors, thus continuing certain devotional practices inherited from the Middle Ages and the Renaissance. Two Books of Hours from the fifteenth century are preserved at the Archive of the Jesuits in Canada. This inquiry is aimed at retracing the routes that the two manuscripts had taken before arriving at the Archive of the Collège Sainte-Marie, which was founded in 1844 by Father Felix Martin. At the end of the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth century, the two books were given pride of place by Father Arthur Edward Jones at the centre of expositions devoted to manuscripts of the first Jesuit missionaries in North America. This investigation is additionally aimed at assessing the interest taken in these Hours among Jesuit bibliophiles and the laity.


Author(s):  
Jonathan Israel

This chapter explores how, during the latter half of the seventeenth century, the Jewish world was shaken spiritually more profoundly than at any time since the expulsions of the late fifteenth century. A mounting turmoil of inner pressures erupted in the 1650s and 1660s in a drama which was to convulse world Jewry for decades. Moreover, although this Jewish upheaval had some separate and independent roots, unconnected with the current intellectual preoccupations of Christian Europe, it took place during, and shared some causes with, the deepening crisis besetting seventeenth-century European culture as a whole. Inevitably, the ferment within the Synagogue interacted on the wider upheaval within European devotion and thought, the one chain of encounters pervading the other in a remarkable process of cultural transformation. Ultimately, the upheaval is perhaps best understood as a cultural reaction to the immense disruptions and migrations of the previous two centuries and the many unresolved contradictions the vast treks, first to the East and then to the West, had given rise to. It may be true that the reintegration of Jews was more economic than cultural, yet the rifts and disintegrative tendencies within western Christendom had placed the age-old confrontation of Christianity and Judaism on a totally new basis. The chapter then looks at the Shabbatean movement, Spinozism, philosemitism, and anti-Semitism.


1979 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 176-188 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip Jenkins

In the seventeenth century, one of the Catholic strongholds of Britain had lain on the southern Welsh borders, in those areas of north Monmouthshire and southern Herefordshire dependant on the Marquis of Worcester at Raglan, and looking to the Jesuit mission at Cwm. Abergavenny and Monmouth had been largely Catholic towns, while the north Monmouthshire countryside still merited the attention of fifteen priests in the 1670s—after the Civil Wars, and the damaging conversion to Protestantism of the heir of Raglan in 1667. Conspicuous Catholic strength caused fear, and the ‘Popish Plot’ was the excuse for a uniquely violent reaction, in which the Jesuit mission was all but destroyed. What happened after that is less clear. In 1780, Berington wrote that ‘In many [counties], particularly in the west, in south Wales, and some of the Midland counties, there is scarcely a Catholic to be found’. Modern histories tend to reflect this, perhaps because of available evidence. The archives of the Western Vicariate were destroyed in a riot in Bath in 1780, and a recent work like J. H. Aveling's The Handle and the Axe relies heavily on sources and examples from the north of England. This attitude is epitomised by Bossy's remark on the distribution of priests in 1773: ‘In Wales, the mission had collapsed’. However, the question of Catholic survival in eighteenth-century Wales is important. In earlier assessments of Catholic strength (by landholding, or number of recusants gaoled as a proportion of population) Monmouthshire had achieved the rare feat of exceeding the zeal of Lancashire, and Herefordshire was not far behind. If this simply ceased to exist, there was an almost incredible success for the ‘short, sharp’ persecution under Charles II. If, however, the area remained a Catholic fortress, then recent historians of recusancy have unjustifiably neglected it.


2005 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-44
Author(s):  
Michel Duquet

Abstract The seventeenth century saw the early stages of significant trading on the west coast of Africa as well as the establishment of permanent settlements in North America by Dutch, French and English explorers, merchants, colonists and missionaries in a period marked by the imperial contest that had been set in motion on the heels of the discovery of America in 1492. The travelers who wrote about their voyages overseas described at length the natives they encountered on the two continents. The images of the North American Indian and of the African that emerged from these travel accounts were essentially the same whether they be of Dutch, French or English origin. The main characteristic in the descriptions of African native populations was its permanent condemnation while representations of the Indian were imbued with sentiments ranging from compassion, censure and admiration. The root causes for this dichotomy were the inhospitable and deadly (to Europeans) tropical environment of Africa’s West Coast and the growing knowledge of local societies that Europeans acquired in North America. The analysis of the contrasting images of natives on both sides of the Atlantic and the context within which they were produced are the focus of the paper.


1982 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 61-76
Author(s):  
Finn Fuglestad

At some undefined time in the fairly recent past central and western Madagascar witnessed a conceptual 'revolution' which had far-reaching political consequences. The religious beliefs and symbols which constituted the main ingredients of this 'revolution'--and probably also the people who propagated them--were in some way connected with the Zafindraminia-Antanosy and the Anteimoro of the southeastern and eastern coast. It is quite clear that these and similar groups had been strongly influenced by Islam and that they practiced what could perhaps be described as a corrupt or diluted Islam or a syncretic 'pagan' Muslim religion. (It is significant that as their name indicates the Zafindraminia claim descent from Raminia who they hold to have been the mother of Muhammad.) One of the main ingredients of this religion was the cult of the ody or guardian amulets, objects usually made of wood which are strikingly reminiscent of the so-called “charms” or “gris-gris” sold by Muslim clerics over much of Africa. Another ingredient is represented by the institution of ombiasy. The ombiasy (the main manufacturers of ody) whom the Frenchman Etienne de Flacourt at Fort-Dauphin in the seventeenth century took to be Muslim clerics were originally the “priests” (or the “devins guérisseurs,” according to Hubert Deschamps) of the Anteimoro and the Zafindraminia-Antanosy. Subsequently this institution was disseminated throughout nearly the whole of Madagascar. Yet another ingredient was the system of divination known as sikidy, which also spread to other parts of Madagascar, including Imerina and the Sakalava country.These beliefs, symbols, and institutions deeply influenced the people of the west coast (the present-day Sakalava country) and of central Madagascar (Imerina and Betsileo country).


Zograf ◽  
2014 ◽  
pp. 153-163
Author(s):  
Dragan Vojvodic

In the katholikon of the monastery of Praskvica there are remains of two layers of post-Byzantine wall-painting: the earlier, from the third quarter of the sixteenth century, and later, from the first half of the seventeenth century, which is the conclusion based on stylistic analysis and technical features. The portions of frescoes belonging to one or the other layer can be clearly distinguished from one another and the content of the surviving representations read more thoroughly than before. It seems that the remains of wall-painting on what originally was the west facade of the church also belong to the earlier layer. It is possible that the church was not frescoed in the lifetime of its ktetor, Balsa III Balsic.


2020 ◽  
Vol 24 (4-5) ◽  
pp. 363-382
Author(s):  
Mária Pakucs-Willcocks

Abstract This paper analyzes data from customs accounts in Transylvania from the middle of the sixteenth century to the end of the seventeenth on traffic in textiles and textile products from the Ottoman Empire. Cotton was known and commercialized in Transylvania from the fifteenth century; serial data will show that traffic in Ottoman cotton and silk textiles as well as in textile objects such as carpets grew considerably during the second half of the seventeenth century. Customs registers from that period also indicate that Poland and Hungary were destinations for Ottoman imports, but Transylvania was a consumer’s market for cotton textiles.


1952 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-20
Author(s):  
Thomas C. Smith

As in the Middle Ages in the West, so in Tokugawa Japan (1600–1868) men were fond of explaining the hierarchical society in which they lived by comparing it to an organism. Social classes, Confucian scholars said, were like parts of the body: each had a vital function to perform, but their functions were essentially different and unequal in value. In this scheme the peasants were second in importance only to the ruling military class. Just as the samurai officials were the brains that guided other organs, so the peasants were the feet that held the social body erect. They were the “basis of the country,” the valued producers whose labor sustained all else. But, as a class, they tended innately to backsliding and extravagance. Left alone they would consume more than their share of the social income, ape the manners and tastes of their betters, and even encroach upon the functions of other classes to the perilous neglect of their own. Only the lash of necessity and the sharp eye of the official could hold them to their disagreeable role. They had to be bound to the land; social distinctions had to be thrown up around them like so many physical barriers; and, to remove all temptation to indolence and luxury, they had to be left only enough of what they produced to let them continue producing.


1936 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 55-63
Author(s):  
Robert J. Getty

The mistranslation by Mr. J. D. Duff of nox ubi sidera condit as ‘where night hides the stars’ is also the interpretation of many commentators from Sulpitius in the last decade of the fifteenth century to Lejay in the last decade of the nineteenth. Lucan is clearly speaking of East and West in 15, of South in 16, and of North in 17–18. How can night be said to hide the stars in the West? Burman saw the difficulty and expressed himself thus: ‘…dubito, an recte dicatur, nox condere sidera, id est, Stellas, quae sole cadente prodeunt, et se spectanda praebent, obscurare et occulere: neque nunc occurrit alius ex veteribus locus, unde ita locutos fuisse Poetas appareat. Nox enim adveniens prodit sidera, praecipitans uero, aurora adveniente, potest recte dici condere, et quasi auferre ex oculis hominum sidera.’ Burman then was tempted to understand sidera as the sun, but could not parallel this use of the plural, although he admitted the use of sidera solis. He cited Ouid. Met. 14, 172–3 caelumque et sidera solis / respicio, as did Haskins, who took the same view with hesitation. Ezra de Clerq van Jever in his Specimen Selectarum Observationum, which he published at Leiden in 1772, definitely understood sidera as the sun, though he could parallel only sidus in the singular from Ouid. A.A. 1, 723–4 aequoris unda / debet et a radiis sideris esse niger. But, it may be said, these Ovidian passages are such that no ambiguity is possible, and are not quite relevant to Lucan's phrase.


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