scholarly journals The “Public” of Richard Hooker’s Book 7 of the Laws: Stitching Together the Unjoined

2018 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 131-162
Author(s):  
Rudolph P. Almasy

This article begins with the notion that a text can create and influence a “public,” that is, a group of individuals with common values and aspirations. Richard Hooker’s Of the Laws of Ecclesiastical Polity (1594–1662) is the focus here; specifically, this article shows how book 7, which defends the prelacy, stitches together civil and ecclesiastical governors throughout the commonwealth in order to persuade this public not to embrace a Presbyterian ecclesiology and rid England of its bishops. Accordingly, Hooker’s text, composed with this public in mind, links together the nature and role of the civil and ecclesiastical by arguing that both are “of God,” by giving his public the intellectual skills to understand his defense of bishops, and by concentrating on public authority, public wisdom, and the public good which the magistrates must protect. Hooker’s goal is to encourage various estates to understand the threat to their power by the Presbyterian call for change. The hope is that the magisterial community, which runs the country and includes bishops, will consider the whole of the commonwealth and the value of the status quo before joining with the Presbyterians for change. Cet article se penche sur l’idée qu’un texte peut créer et influencer un « public », c’est-àdire, un groupe d’individus ayant en commun des valeurs et des aspirations. On explore cette hypothèse plus particulièrement à travers l’oeuvre de Richard Hooker intitulée Of the Laws of Ecclesiastical Polity (1594–1662), et plus spécifiquement, en montrant comment le livre 7, qui défend la prélature, rassemble dirigeants civils et ecclésiastiques de la communauté afin de les dissuader d’adopter l’ecclésiologie presbytérienne ou de débarrasser l’Angleterre de ses évêques. Pour ce faire, le texte de Hooker, écrit avec ce public en tête, rapproche par la nature et par leur rôle le civil et l’ecclésiastique en avançant que les deux relèvent de Dieu, en fournissant à son public les connaissances intellectuelles nécessaires à la compréhension de sa défense des évêques, et en se concentrant sur l’autorité, la sagesse, et le bien commun publics que les magistrats doivent protéger. Le but visé par Hooker est d’encourager les diverses instances à comprendre la menace que constitue pour leur pouvoir l’appel presbytérien au changement. Il espère ainsi que toute la magistrature, qui dirige le pays et inclut les évêques, prendra en considération l’ensemble de la communauté et les mérites du statu quo avant de rejoindre les Presbytériens dans le mouvement pour le changement.

Author(s):  
Francisco LONGO MARTÍNEZ

Laburpena: Globalizazioak eta teknologia bat-batean sartzeak aldaketa azkarrak eragin dituzte, eta horiek jarduera ekonomikoaren sektore guztiei eragiten diete. Horiek horrela, sistema publikoek erronka garrantzitsuei egin beharko diete aurre. Aldaketa horietako batzuek berekin dakartzaten kanpo-efektu negatiboen ondorioz sortzen dira erronketako batzuk, edo, bestela, pertsonen eta gizarteen egonkortasuna, ziurtasuna eta babesa ahal den heinean sustatzeko beharraren ondorioz. Beste erronka batzuek, berriz, egoera berriek berekin dakartzaten aurrera egiteko aukera handiekin dute zerikusia, bai eta horiek baliatze aldera sektore publikoak hartu behar duen lidergo rol ordezkaezinarekin ere. Bi erronka-mota horiek administrazioa behartzen dute muturreko eta anbizio handiko berrikuntza-agenda bere gain hartzera. Agenda horren norainokoaren eraginez, sektore publikoak statu quoaren bereizgarri diren oinarrizko erakunde arteko akordioetako batzuk aztertu eta berriz diseinatu behar ditu. Lan honek aztertzen du zein diren egin beharreko oinarrizko eraldaketak, zer tresna behar diren esku hartzeko, eta zer dilema kudeatu behar diren. Horrez gain, gobernantza-ikuspegi berriaren funtsezko ezaugarriak aurkezten ditu. Eredu horrek aukera emango die gobernuei eta beren erakundeei esplorazioaren eta esperimentazioaren bidean murgiltzeko, eta sistema publikotik at kokatutako eragileekin lankidetzan aritzera irekitzeko, aldi berean gizarteari erantzuteko eta haren aurrean kontu emateko eskakizunen maila handiari eutsiz. Resumen: En el entorno de cambios acelerados que la globalización y la disrupción tecnológica han creado, y que afecta a todos los sectores de actividad económica, los sistemas públicos afrontan desafíos importantes. Una parte de esos desafíos dimanan de las externalidades negativas que algunos de esos cambios llevan consigo, y de la necesidad de proveer en lo posible de estabilidad, certidumbre y protección a las personas y a las sociedades. Otra parte tiene que ver con las enormes oportunidades de progreso que los nuevos escenarios traen consigo, y con el insustituible rol de liderazgo que el sector público está llamado a asumir para aprovecharlas. Ambos tipos de reto obligan a la Administración a asumir una agenda de innovación ambiciosa y radical. El alcance de esa agenda obliga al sector público a reconsiderar y rediseñar algunos de los arreglos institucionales básicos que caracterizan al statu quo actual. Este trabajo analiza las transformaciones básicas que resultan necesarias, el instrumental de intervención que exigen, y los dilemas que necesitarán ser gestionados. También presenta los rasgos básicos de un nuevo enfoque de gobernanza capaz de permitir a los gobiernos y sus organizaciones adentrarse en la vía de la exploración, la experimentación y la apertura a la colaboración con actores situados fuera del sistema público, manteniendo al mismo tiempo alta las exigencias de responder y rendir cuentas ante la sociedad. Abstract: Public administrations are facing major challenges within the milieu of accelerated changes generated by globalisation and technological disruption and that affected all economic sectors. A certain percentage of these challenges arise from the negative externalities of some of these changes, and the need to provide stability, certainty and protection to individuals and societies as much as possible. Another part of these challenges are linked to the huge opportunities for progress that go hand-in-hand with the new scenarios and the irreplaceable role of leadership taken by the public sector to take full advantage of them. Both types of .challenge have forced the Administration to undertake an ambitiously innovative and radical agenda The scope of this agenda has forced the public sector to rethink and redesign some of the basic institutional arrangements that characterise the status quo. This paper analyses the basic transformations necessary, the required instruments of intervention and the dilemmas that need to be managed. It also presents the basic features of a new governance approach capable of enabling governments and their organisations to pursue the path of exploration, experimentation and openness to collaboration with stakeholders outside of the public system, while also upholding the requirements to respond and be accountable to society.


Author(s):  
Nadejda K Marinova

Utilizing firsthand interviews with activists and Lebanese diaspora leaders, the chapter centers on the active role of a coalition of Lebanese-American organizations who advanced their positions and those of the Bush administration in promoting, before UN diplomats, members of Congress, the public, and the media, the passage of UN Security Council Resolution 1559 (2004). UNSCR 1559 mandated Syrian withdrawal from Lebanese territory and militia disarmament. The chapter also analyzes the involvement of Lebanese-American organizations in lobbying for the Syria Accountability and Lebanese Sovereignty Restoration Act (2003). The novel relationship between US policymakers and their junior Lebanese-American allies was in contrast to the 1990s, when Washington was interested in preserving the status quo with Syria and doors had been closed for the Lebanese diaspora activists. The relationship upholds the theoretical model central to this work, and it traces the interaction between the Bush administration and Lebanese-American organizations from 2001 until 2005, when Syria withdrew its troops from Lebanon.


Author(s):  
Aga Skrodzka

This article argues for the importance of preserving the visual memory of female communist agency in today’s Poland, at the time when the nation’s relationship to its communist past is being forcefully rearticulated with the help of the controversial Decommunization Act, which affects the public space of the commons. The wholesale criminalization of communism by the ruling conservative forces spurred a wave of historical and symbolic revisions that undermine the legacy of the communist women’s movement, contributing to the continued erosion of women’s rights in Poland. By looking at recent cinema and its treatment of female communists as well as the newly published accounts of the communist women’s movement provided by feminist historians and sociologists, the project sheds light on current cultural debates that address the status of women in postcommunist Poland and the role of leftist legacy in such debates.


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 154-172
Author(s):  
Gabriele Schneider

Foundations, as permanent funds established by a certain legal act, can serve manifold purposes, but often pursue charitable goals. As such, they play an important role for the public good. Therefore, states always had an interest in fostering foundations by providing a pertinent legal framework. In Austria, this topic has not yet been the focus of scholarship. Through this study some light is shed on the implementation of the law on foundations in the Habsburg Monarchy. It focuses on the role of the state and its legal system regarding the regulation and supervision of foundations from 1750 to 1918. This period is characterized by the sovereigns’ endeavor to regulate the position of foundations via extensive legislation. In particular, a system of oversight for foundations was created in order to guarantee the attainment of their charitable goals. In fact, this system prevailed until the end of the 20thcentury.


2017 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 46-65
Author(s):  
Mary Varghese ◽  
Kamila Ghazali

Abstract This article seeks to contribute to the existing body of knowledge about the relationship between political discourse and national identity. 1Malaysia, introduced in 2009 by Malaysia’s then newly appointed 6th Prime Minister Najib Razak, was greeted with expectation and concern by various segments of the Malaysian population. For some, it signalled a new inclusiveness that was to change the discourse on belonging. For others, it raised concerns about changes to the status quo of ethnic issues. Given the varying responses of society to the concept of 1Malaysia, an examination of different texts through the critical paradigm of CDA provide useful insights into how the public sphere has attempted to construct this notion. Therefore, this paper critically examines the Prime Minister’s early speeches as well as relevant chapters of the socioeconomic agenda, the 10th Malaysia Plan, to identify the referential and predicational strategies employed in characterising 1Malaysia. The findings suggest a notion of unity that appears to address varying issues.


2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-23
Author(s):  
Miomir Jakšić

Abstract The article discusses the status and role of regulatory bodies and the aftermaths of their independence and accountability to the public and the parliament. The author analyses different legal statuses of regulatory bodies in Montenegro and Serbia in the central banking and energy sectors and concludes that it is necessary that national constitutions, as the highest legal acts in each state, prescribe in a separate article that “Regulatory bodies are independent and accountable to Parliament”. Relevant separate legal acts should closely define the procedures for establishing, enforcing, and sanctioning of possible breaching of: 1) independence of regulatory bodies, 2) accountability of regulatory bodies to the parliament, and 3) transparency of their activities.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 33-46
Author(s):  
Antonio C. Cuyler

This article represents a snapshot and analysis of U. S. service arts organizations’ DEI statements and activities in 2018. At that time, many primarily White-serving U. S. cultural organizations responded defensively to accusations of elitism and a harmful rigged funding system that maintained the status quo by awarding most cultural funding to these organizations while undermining the health and vitality of cultural organizations by and for historically oppressed communities (Sidford, 2011). Furthermore, Helicon Collaborative (2017) found that even with a host of cultural equity, “diversity” projects (Tseng 2016), and public-facing DEI statements, little had changed within six years. Therefore, this study uses directed and summative content analysis to investigate the research question “what do cultural equity and diversity statements communicate about cultural organizations’ positions on DEI?” This study also uses Frankfurt’s (2005) essay On Bullshit and Laing’s (2016) two-prong definition of accountability as a theoretical framework to examine if and how cultural organizations hold themselves accountable for achieving DEI in the creative sector. Lastly, readers should keep in mind that the public murder of Geor-ge Floyd in 2020 has hastened all of the service arts organizations’ access, diversity, equity, and inclusion (ADEI) work examined in this study.


2019 ◽  
Vol 46 (2) ◽  
pp. 76-82 ◽  
Author(s):  
Giulia Cavaliere

The benefits of full ectogenesis, that is, the gestation of human fetuses outside the maternal womb, for women ground many contemporary authors’ arguments on the ethical desirability of this practice. In this paper, I present and assess two sets of arguments advanced in favour of ectogenesis: arguments stressing ectogenesis’ equality-promoting potential and arguments stressing its freedom-promoting potential. I argue that although successfully grounding a positive case for ectogenesis, these arguments have limitations in terms of their reach and scope. Concerning their limited reach, I contend that ectogenesis will likely benefit a small subset of women and, arguably, not the group who most need to achieve equality and freedom. Concerning their limited scope, I contend that these defences do not pay sufficient attention to the context in which ectogenesis would be developed and that, as a result, they risk leaving the status quo unchanged. After providing examples of these limitations, I move to my proposal concerning the role of ectogenesis in promoting women’s equality and freedom. This proposal builds on Silvia Federici’s, Mariarosa Dalla Costa’s and Selma James’ readings of the international feminist campaign ‘Wages for Housework’. It maintains that the political perspective and provocation that ectogenesis can advance should be considered and defended.


2015 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Trevor G Gates ◽  
Margery C Saunders

Workers who are lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer (LGBTQ)-identified have always been a part of the workplace in the United States, yet there has been a lack of awareness about how to advocate for the needs of these people. This lack of awareness was challenged by Congresswoman Bella Abzug. Abzug’s campaign for creating an equal working environment for sexual minorities initiated gradual changes in the public discourse concerning workplace and other broad equality measures for these communities. To frame these gradual transformations within a historical context, we use Lewin’s force field analysis framework to examine the change efforts of Abzug. Abzug had beginning success in thawing the status quo yet her visions for equality for LGBTQ people have yet to be realized. Using Abzug’s social action as an example, this article concludes that allies must continue to challenge societal oppression, power, and privilege and to demand civil rights protections for LGBTQ individuals.


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