scholarly journals TOPOVI ALI MASLO? PRIMERJALNA ANALIZA OBRAMBNIH IZDATKOV REPUBLIKE SLOVENIJE

Author(s):  
MIHA ŠLEBIR

Povzetek Javnofinančne posledice gospodarske krize so večino držav članic zveze Nato vodile v bistveno zmanjšanje obrambnih izdatkov. Analiza je razkrila, da so v obdobju 2009–2015 obrambni izdatki Republike Slovenije padli najbolj med vsemi zaveznicami, ob tem pa je Slovenijo zaradi naraščajočega deleža izdatkov za osebje začela bremeniti vse bolj neuravnotežena struktura obrambne porabe. V prispevku sem potrdil domnevo o neustreznem kadrovskem obsegu slovenskih oboroženih sil glede na razpoložljive finančne vire. Analizo sem zasnoval na teoretično podkrepljeni premisi o vzročni povezanosti spremenljivk. S pomočjo bivariatne analize sem potrdil visoko pozitivno korelacijo med višino obrambnih izdatkov za osebje in kadrovskim obsegom oboroženih sil ter prek regresijske analize izsledke apliciral na načrtovano stanje slovenskega obrambnega sistema leta 2020. Ob tem sem ugotovil, da je neskladje med finančnimi viri in kadrovskim obsegom implicirano tudi v trenutno veljavnem srednjeročnem obrambnem programu in da doseganje kadrovskih in strukturno-finančnih ciljev ob predvideni stopnji rasti obrambnih izdatkov ni realno uresničljivo. Ključne besede Obrambni izdatki, izdatki za osebje, kadrovski obseg oboroženih sil, Slovenska vojska, bivariatna analiza. Abstract The effects of the financial crisis on public finances have led to significant reductions in defence spending in the majority of NATO member states. As revealed by the analysis of 2009–2015, the largest drop in defence expenditure occurred in the Republic of Slovenia, where a rising share of expenditure devoted to personnel led to an increased imbalance in the allocation of defence resources. In the article, I confirmed the hypothesis on inappropriate personnel strength of the Slovenian Armed Forces with regard to its financial resources. I designed the analysis on a theoretically supported premise about a causal relationship between variables. A bivariate analysis confirmed a strong positive correlation between the level of personnel expenditure and the overall personnel strength. Furthermore, I used a regression analysis to form an estimate on a 2020 desired end-state based on the acquired results. I concluded that the discrepancy between financial resources and the personnel strength is implied in the Medium-Term Defence Programme as well. I therefore assessed the currently valid medium term staff and financial structure goals as realistically unattainable. Key words Defence expenditure, personnel expenditure, armed forces personnel strength, Slovenian Armed Forces, bivariate analysis.

Author(s):  
NEIL GRAYSTON

Abstract The Republic of Slovenia has been a member of NATO for 15 years. In preparing for NATO membership the Slovenian Armed Forces (SAF) were required to prepare for radical change, from a territorial defence force to one that could contribute to NATO missions. The need for change became even more significant after the government decision in 2002 to end conscription and move to a fully professional SAF. A revised force structure for the SAF was agreed in 2003, prior to Slovenia joining NATO in 2004. Progress in developing the SAF in the first five years of NATO membership, while encountering a number of challenges, showed a positive trend, with a commensurate increase in defence expenditure. In the following five years the economic crisis which affected most NATO countries had a particularly damaging effect on the continued development of the SAF, with very severe reductions in defence expenditure. Today, after 15 years of NATO membership, the SAF has still not recovered from the cuts made in defence spending. Spending remains close to 1.0% of GDP and is inadequate to support the force plans of the SAF. The SAF is unable to make an effective contribution to NATO and a decision needs to be made on the future size and shape of the SAF which matches plans for future defence expenditure. Key words NATO, Slovenia, Professionalization, Defence Planning, Defence Expenditure, Missions, Force Structure, Democratic Control.


Significance Traditionally, Germany has been cautious about defence spending and build-up. However, the defence ministry now wants to reorganise the Bundeswehr (armed forces) so that it contributes not only to overseas operations as is currently the case but also to national security. Impacts If defence expenditure reaches Merkel’s goal of 1.5% of GDP by 2021, this would allow spending of approximately 49 billion euros. Germany is likely to purchase more from its domestic defence industry as it increases spending. Overseas peacekeeping missions, especially in Iraq, Afghanistan and Mali, are likely to be expanded.


2017 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 405-410
Author(s):  
Nikolay Nichev

Abstract Outsourcing services in the armed forces are a promising tool for reducing defence spending which use shall be determined by previously made accurate analysis of peacetime and wartime tasks of army structures. The decision to implement such services allows formations of Bulgarian Army to focus on the implementation of specific tasks related to their combat training. Outsourcing is a successful practice which is applied both in the armies of the member states of NATO and in the Bulgarian Army. Using specialized companies to provide certain services in formations provides a reduction in defence spending, access to technology and skills in terms of financial shortage. The aim of this paper is to analyse main outsourcing risks that affect the relationship between the military formation of the Bulgarian army, the structures of the Ministry of Defence of the Republic of Bulgaria and service providers, and to assess those risks. The basic steps for risk management in outsourcing activities are determined on this base.


2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 44
Author(s):  
Herman Matthijs

<p><em>This article examines European defence expenditure and more specifically the question of whether there is sufficient financial leeway to establish a European defence initiative.</em></p><p><em>In view of the numerous defence threats on Europe’s external borders: Russia, Turkey, growing migration pressures and the ineffectiveness of the external borders of the “Schengen-zone”, this article will examine the following: </em></p><p><em>-        What are the defence expenditures of the European members of NATO (North Atlantic Treaty Organization) and of non-NATO members in Europe;</em></p><p><em>-        Would it be possible to establish a European army with these financial resources?</em></p><p><em>The current figures are primarily based on NATO financial sources (see references). These NATO figures refer to defence spending, including military pensions and militarized police forces such as the “Gendarmerie” in France and the “Koninklijke Marechaussee” in The Netherlands.</em></p><p><em>In conclusion the article tries to respond to the question of which states would be necessary and/or potentially available for the creation of a European defence force?</em></p><em>First, this study gives a short overview of the defence history in western Europe after the second world war, followed by the European attempts concerning this item. Finally, this article examines the topic of this article in point three; namely: which European countries are potential partners for an European defence system.</em>


Significance With an election due soon, the governing Liberal-National Coalition’s pledge to ring-fence the defence spending commitments made in 2016 was under some pressure. However, defence spending in fiscal year 2021/22 will grow by over 4% in real terms and stay above the symbolic level of 2% of GDP. Impacts Growing popular and bipartisan concern with Chinese aggression is a conducive environment for increased defence spending. Low interest rates and a stronger Australian dollar are also supporting sustained levels of defence expenditure. Washington may increase pressure on Australia to conduct freedom of navigation exercises in the South China Sea. Major business groups are concerned that increased criticism of China in national politics will produce yet more punitive backlash.


2017 ◽  
Vol 182 (7) ◽  
pp. e1900-e1907 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tae Kyung Kim ◽  
Byung-Chan Jeon ◽  
Eunkyoung Bae ◽  
Kyoung Ki Bae ◽  
Kyu-Tae Han ◽  
...  

2018 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 106-112 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Nagel ◽  
Michael J Blackowicz ◽  
Foday Sahr ◽  
Olamide D Jarrett

The impact of the 2014–2016 Ebola epidemic in West Africa on human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) treatment in Sierra Leone is unknown, especially for groups with higher HIV prevalence such as the military. Using a retrospective study design, clinical outcomes were evaluated prior to and during the epidemic for 264 HIV-infected soldiers of the Republic of Sierra Leone Armed Forces (RSLAF) and their dependents receiving HIV treatment at the primary RSLAF HIV clinic. Medical records were abstracted for baseline clinical data and clinic attendance. Estimated risk of lost to follow-up (LTFU), default, and number of days without antiretroviral therapy (DWA) were calculated using repeated measures general estimating equations adjusted for age and gender. Due to missing data, 262 patients were included in the final analyses. There was higher risk of LTFU throughout the Ebola epidemic in Sierra Leone compared to the pre-Ebola baseline, with the largest increase in LTFU risk occurring at the peak of the epidemic (relative risk: 3.22, 95% CI: 2.22–4.67). There was an increased risk of default and DWA during the Ebola epidemic for soldiers but not for their dependents. The risk of LTFU, default, and DWA stabilized once the epidemic was largely resolved but remained elevated compared to the pre-Ebola baseline. Our findings demonstrate the negative and potentially lasting impact of the Ebola epidemic on HIV care in Sierra Leone and highlight the need to develop strategies to minimize disruptions in HIV care with future disease outbreaks.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (22) ◽  
pp. 66-73
Author(s):  
Mahfutt Mahfutt ◽  
Khairil Anwar ◽  
Billi Belladona Matindas

The position of the Military Court is a body that executes the judicial power in the circle of the Indonesian National Armed Forces to enforce the law and justice with due observance of the interest in the state defense and safety. The Military Court is authorized to try the crimes committed by someone who when committing such crime is a soldier of the Indonesian National Armed Forces, a member of a group or office or body or equal to a soldier pursuant to the Law and someone is not included in the said group as set forth in the Law Number 31 of 1997 on Military Court. Following the reform of 1988, the existence of the Military Court is developed by some activists and the public that observe the Military Court, insisting the Parliament of the Republic of Indonesia to revise Law Number 31 of 1997 on Military Court, with the focus point for a soldier of the Indonesian National Armed Forces who commits a general crime to be tried in the General Court with the reason that the Military Court practice is closed in nature, and another reason is the equalization of rights before the law. The method used in this research is the normative law research that is carried out to obtain the necessary data relating to the problem. The data used is secondary data consisting of primary law materials, secondary law materials, and tertiary law materials. In addition, primary data is also used as the support of the secondary data law materials. The data is analyzed by the qualitative juridical analysis method. The results of the research show that the Military Court is one of the mechanisms that are always tried to be maintained. The outcome from the research discovers that the role of the Martial Court in Indonesia remains effective, fair, and democratic to this date realistically marked by fair punishment within the jurisdiction offended, which corresponds to the need of TNI institution in the aspects of Culture, Benefit, Assurance, and Fairness. It is recommended that the RI Government continuously develop and improve the same by maintaining the role of the Martial Court in punishing criminal offenses committed by military members on the Martial Court system currently in force.


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