Analysis of the ways of improvement of Ukraine – NATO cooperation on cybersecurity issues

2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 11-15
Author(s):  
Volodymyr Shypovskyi ◽  
Volodymyr Cherneha ◽  
Serhiy Marchenkov

Recent events in Ukraine have shown that, along with the advancement of information technology, methods of conducting modern warfare are being enhanced. Cyberspace is deliberately used by the Russian Federation to commit cyber warfare against Ukraine. Therefore, in order to address their influence effectively, it is important not only successfully deal with its consequences but also to foresee the potential adversaryʼs actions by analyzing their previous operations and incorporating the lessons learned by other countries. Across the globe, including Ukraine, the issue of information security and cyberattacks has become exceedingly urgent. Everybody is aware of the ongoing attacks on information networks of various government agencies and energy firms, cyberattacks on e-mail networks of political parties and organizations around the world. Likewise, despite the steadily growing numbers, cyberattack cases against the individuals and private businesses are not reported as widely as they occur. As a result, The North Atlantic Alliance countries began tackling the issue of cyberthreats much earlier than Ukraine. Consequently, NATO and its allies rely on powerful and robust cyber defenses to ensure the Alliance's core tasks of collective defense. The article discusses methods and strategies for providing cyber defense in NATO member states and recommends ways to increase the level of protection in the state's cyber space, as part of Ukraineʼs national security and defense domain.

2019 ◽  
Vol 193 (3) ◽  
pp. 547-557
Author(s):  
Sławomir Wojciechowski

This year, NATO is celebrating its 70th anniversary and the signing of the North Atlantic Treaty. The Alliance was founded in the early days of the Cold War, but found itself in a new geopolitical situation after the col-lapse of the Soviet Union and the end of the bipolar world. The organi-zation has been transforming ever since and over time this transfor-mation has included both expansion and adaptation to new circum-stances. With the return of Russian neo-imperial ambitions in the re-cent years, NATO has been given new impetus. Emerging threats and challenges, which are mainly of a military nature, have been addressed by NATO through further recent adaptation processes which were based on the return to the core role of the Alliance, namely collective defense and deterrence. This, in turn, has created a boost of NATO ac-tivity on the ground, which means that improvement with regard to interoperability and integration is now in high demand.


1992 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 251-259 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexander H. Harcourt

“The Parties to This Treaty…are resolved to unite their efforts for collective defense,” and to a fairly large extent, the nations of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) have done just that for nearly 50 years. “During fights, individuals compare the strength of their own group with that of the opponent. When they perceive that group members locally outnumber opponents, they behave aggressively, recruiting to the battle and cooperating” (Adams, 1990:326). This second quote is not an account of the behavior of NATO soldiers; it is a description of boundary disputes between colonies of a territorial ant, altered only to remove references to ants.


2016 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 87-92
Author(s):  
Ileana-Gentilia Metea

Abstract A development trend of the North Atlantic Alliance aims to the establishment of a “global NATO” as a political and military support of the West and of democratic states worldwide. The political-military and humanitarian cooperation in the former Yugoslavia, Iraq, Afghanistan, and Libya supports the materialization of such a structure. Some reservations are manifested because of the fears of some Western countries that they might be faced with a new global “Cold War” or engaged in armed conflicts in “sensitive areas” in the vicinity of the Russian Federation or China. That is why, maybe, the project of such a “new NATO” seems to be better received in Japan, Australia, and even the Gulf states. This paper aims to underline American vision, as the most important NATO member state, concerning the South-Eastern Asian space and also to put in discussion the Sino-American relations regarding this area.


2014 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 397-418 ◽  
Author(s):  
Grzegorz KOSTRZEWA-ZORBAS

The greatest change ever in the defence policy and military strategy of the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation occurred in 2014 in response to a series of major cyber attacks against NATO member states and partner states - Estonia in 2007, the United States and Georgia in 2008, and others in later years - and to a general transformation of the security environment in which cyberwar and other threats to cybersecurity gain rapidly in importance. At the 2014 Wales Summit, NATO recognised that cyber defence is part of its central task of collective defence and that Article 5 of the North Atlantic Treaty - ”The Parties agree that an armed attack against one or more of them in Europe or North America shall be considered an attack against them all . . .” - can be invoked in the case of cyber attacks. This statement is the first and only expansion of the meaning of Article 5 and the first and only addition of a new type of warfare to the policy and strategy of NATO. After the change, the Alliance must face new challenges not less urgent and difficult than the old ones of kinetic warfare or weapons of mass destruction. This article addresses the broadest strategic context of the change. An analysis is made in the light of the global strategic thought and of the development of warfare through history. By entering the new strategic space of cyber warfare, NATO proves itself to be among the world’s most modern and advanced powers while, at the same time, it returns to the ancient - and lasting - tenet of strategy: information is not inferior to force. This way the Alliance moves away from Carl von Clausewitz and closer to Sun Zi. The recognition of cyberspace as a strategic space also corresponds to another influential idea in the heritage of strategy: the concept of the ”great common” the control of which is the key to the power over the world and over war and peace worldwide. Alfred Thayer Mahan considered the global ocean to be the ”great common” crossed by vital trade routes and by navies competing for superiority. Now cyberspace is as open, vital and fragile as the maritime space was in Mahan’s vision. Cyberwar also creates a promise and a temptation of a decisive strike - the first and last strike in a war - circumventing all military defences and paralysing the enemy country. It is a new version - less lethal or not, dependent on the tactics of cyber attacks in a cyber offensive - of the idea of strategic bombing and of the entire concept of air power, especially by its visionary Giulio Douhet, and then of nuclear strategy. Finally, the article provides two practical recommendations regarding the policy and structure of the North Atlantic Alliance in unfolding new era. Now NATO needs a speedy follow-on to the breakthrough decision of the Wales Summit. Cyber defence should be fully integrated into the next Strategic Concept which is expected in or around 2020 but could be worked out sooner because of the accelerating transition of the security environment. NATO should also consider establishing a global Cyber Command to maintain the initiative and to assure the credibility of the enlarged meaning of Article 5 of the North Atlantic Treaty. This credibility will be immediately, continuously and comprehensively tested by many players of the global game.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 132-145
Author(s):  
A. Szeptycki

This article analyzes Poland’s policy towards the former Soviet space (Poland’s Eastern policy) through the assumptions of the realist theory of international relations. The fi rst part of the article examines the realist theory in international relations (IR). The second – deals with the existing literature on Poland’s foreign policy. The third part analyses the determinants and the goals of Poland’s policy towards the post-Soviet states (history of its relations with the region, ideological determinants, security concerns, etc.). The last part inquires about the evolution of Poland’s policy till current times. The Russian Federation is perceived as a signifi cant threat by Poland. In that context, since the early 1990s, Poland has been seeking solutions to strengthen its security. It aimed to join the North Atlantic Alliance and establish a close partnership with the United States (bandwagoning). This strategy brought substantial eff ects – in 1999, Poland joined NATO, and since it has hosted allied troops. Poland also wanted to develop cooperation with Ukraine (to a lesser degree also with its other post-Soviet neighbors) and bring them closer to the Euro-Atlantic structures. This policy was, in particular, at weakening Russia’s infl uence in the region (balancing). The results of this strategy have been somewhat ambiguous, though. Ukraine has rejected Russia’s sponsored reintegration projects in the post-Soviet space. The process of reforms in that country, however, is slow and uncertain. As for other post-Soviet states, Poland has largely proven unable to infl uence the desired changes.


Ecology ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 89 (sp11) ◽  
pp. S1-S2 ◽  
Author(s):  
Clifford W. Cunningham

2006 ◽  
Vol 63 (4) ◽  
pp. 600-610 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ciaran J. Kelly ◽  
Edward A. Codling ◽  
Emer Rogan

Abstract Historically, cod has been one of the most important fish stocks in the North Atlantic. Recent stock collapses have been attributed to overfishing, and in February 2000 the European Commission established a closed area in the Irish Sea as part of a general recovery plan. The recovery plan was further revised and implemented between 2001 and 2005. However, the recovery plan has not provided the expected benefit, and the stock is still thought to be below the safe limit of Blim = 6000 t. We use stochastic simulations to investigate possible stock trajectories over a seven-year period from 1999 to 2005 under various scenarios of fishing mortality. Comparing the results of simulations with reality, it is clear that more drastic action is required if the stock is to recover in the medium term. The recovery plan was not explicitly designed to deal with uncertainty in the system, and this, we believe, resulted in the failure to meet the recovery plan objectives.


Author(s):  
Beata Gałek

Russia defines relations with The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in the category of strategic competition and struggle for influence. It realizes its goals through various methods and tools, choosing the right combination of them, depending on the entities to which they are dedicated. This article is an attempt to synthetically discuss the activity of the Russian Federation in the information environment of the Baltic States, oriented to the North Atlantic Alliance (NATO), determining its conditions, mechanisms and key narratives. The author considers the fact that the attitude towards NATO is part of Russia‘s global strategy, which aims to revise the international order in a direction that would guarantee a return to its rightful position in the emerging new order.


Author(s):  
A V Kornilenko

The article assesses the defence policy of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization in general and peace building actions aspects in particular. Distinctive feature of article can be considered the analysis of military expenses of state members of alliance submitted by the author. A special focus is made on NATO normative legal framework formation, its aims, principles of its actions, peace building policy and interaction with the Russian Federation. It is shown that the peacekeeping activity which is carried out by the North Atlantic Treaty Organization is an important component of the general system of the purposes of defensive policy of the NATO alliance.


Author(s):  
Andrej Dávid ◽  
Andrea Galieriková ◽  
Jiří Tengler ◽  
Vlatka Stupalo

Asian countries such as China, Malaysia, India or Bangladesh belong to the largest producers of consumer goods in the world that is mainly transported by container vessels to other parts of the world. One of the busiest maritime trade route is the route between Europe and Asia. It leads through the North Pacific, Indian and the North Atlantic Oceans and their seas. There is also an alternative trade route that runs along the coast of the Russian Federation across the Arctic Ocean. On one hand the ice in this area is gradually declining due to global warming, on the other hand the duration of navigation times is being extended for several months of the year. One of the advantages of this route is the reduction of sailing times between Asian and European maritime ports. The basic goals of the paper are to focus on the current transport situation on this trade route and a new trade route that leads along the coast of Russia.


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