scholarly journals Polish Take on Realism: Poland’s Policy Towards the Former Soviet Countries, 1991–2021

2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 132-145
Author(s):  
A. Szeptycki

This article analyzes Poland’s policy towards the former Soviet space (Poland’s Eastern policy) through the assumptions of the realist theory of international relations. The fi rst part of the article examines the realist theory in international relations (IR). The second – deals with the existing literature on Poland’s foreign policy. The third part analyses the determinants and the goals of Poland’s policy towards the post-Soviet states (history of its relations with the region, ideological determinants, security concerns, etc.). The last part inquires about the evolution of Poland’s policy till current times. The Russian Federation is perceived as a signifi cant threat by Poland. In that context, since the early 1990s, Poland has been seeking solutions to strengthen its security. It aimed to join the North Atlantic Alliance and establish a close partnership with the United States (bandwagoning). This strategy brought substantial eff ects – in 1999, Poland joined NATO, and since it has hosted allied troops. Poland also wanted to develop cooperation with Ukraine (to a lesser degree also with its other post-Soviet neighbors) and bring them closer to the Euro-Atlantic structures. This policy was, in particular, at weakening Russia’s infl uence in the region (balancing). The results of this strategy have been somewhat ambiguous, though. Ukraine has rejected Russia’s sponsored reintegration projects in the post-Soviet space. The process of reforms in that country, however, is slow and uncertain. As for other post-Soviet states, Poland has largely proven unable to infl uence the desired changes.

2015 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 107-120
Author(s):  
Petra Kiss

Since August 1945 atomic weapons have become significant factors in international relations, every state with great ambitions has aspired to get atomic secrets. The primary goal of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) created in 1949 was – possessing the United States’, a nuclear power’s, security guarantee – to deter the Soviet agression. The first strategic documents of the Alliance were written with this very purpose. However, in the 1950s there was a shift in the allied nations’ policies, which influenced NATO’s strategic thinking as well, so in 1957 a real different strategic concept was adopted. Gaining technological superiority became the most important goal, which led to development and intense production of nuclear weapons. This article examines the emerging role of nuclear weapons and the changing strategy of the Alliance between 1949 and 1957.


Author(s):  
Evgeny Petrischev

The relevance of this article is determined by the need to identify and concretize the challenges and threats to the regional security of the post-Soviet space and the national security of modern Russia. One of the insuffi ciently studied aspects of the modern theory of international relations is the problem of fi nding an adequate answer to the external information and psychological impact on the national interests of the Russian Federation in its “near abroad”.


2014 ◽  
Vol 20 (71) ◽  
pp. 11-41
Author(s):  
Lidija Čehulić Vukadinović ◽  
Monika Begović

Abstract Numerous representatives of theories of international relations, security theories or alliance theories have examined the new role of the North Atlantic Alliance or the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in the post-bipolar world. Parallel with the theoretical examination of goals and tasks, NATO has transformed itself in practice, following the realities of the contemporary global era. In trying to achieve and keep the primacy of the strongest military- political organization, the Alliance has - especially in the Strategic Concept adopted in Lisbon in 2010-set the normative and institutional foundations of its global engagement, fulfilling the military (hard) and a wide array of non-military (soft) security challenges. This strategy has given rise to "Euro-Atlanticism", as a subsystem of international relations based on strong American-European relations, to fit with the process of regionalization of global politics. However, the 2013-2014 crisis in Ukraine has turned the focus of interest and activities of NATO once again primarily to Europe and it has stressed the importance and necessity of strengthening Euro-Atlantic security and defence ties. The most powerful member of the Alliance, the United States, is again strongly engaged in Europe and Russia, as a kind of successor to the Soviet Union, is once more detected as a major threat to European security. There have been many aspects of theories of international relations that have tried to explain the dynamic of the post-Cold War international community. However, the approach based on neo-realistic assumptions of the role of a security community, collective defence and the use of military force has proved to be dominant. NATO will continue to work on its political dimension as an alliance of the democratic world and the September 2014 Wales Summit will certainly mark the return of NATO to its roots, strengthening its security and military dimensions in the collective defence of Europe from Russia.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 84-105
Author(s):  
D. A. Belashchenko ◽  
V. V. Tolkachev ◽  
A. P. Shmelev ◽  
I. F. Shodzhonov

Integration processes in the post-Soviet space actualize the topic of several individual organizations prospects considering current trends on the international scene, particularly the ODED-GUAM. This formation is specific because it was initially created without the participation of the Russian Federation and also formed as an alternative to the Common-wealth of Independent States and other integration projects where the leading role was recognized for the Russian Federation.The study consists of two parts. The first part examines the development process of the ODED-GUAM organization and high-lights the main stages of its existence. The transformation of the conceptual ideas of the organization’s development from a global to a local actor in world politics was also mentioned in the article. The study conducts a broad analysis of the organization’s source base, evaluates the results that the organization has achieved and the reasons of its composition change.The second part of the study is devoted to the analysis of the prospects for the development of this organization from the standpoint of neorealism (structural realism) taking into account the combination of endogenous and exogenous factors.The totality of moments related to the specifics of the ODED-GUAM conceptual component evolution, the episodic nature of its activities, the presence of the internal conflict of interests among participating countries, the leading international actors positions towards the organization, allows us to consider the integration entity is mostly the artificial construct that unified states that were for one reason or another out of key integration projects of the Russian Federation in the post-Soviet space. It is also relevant to consider the ODED-GUAM as a tool for promoting the interests of such actors as the United States and the EU in the post-Soviet space, as an instrument of information, ideological, and economic pressure on Russia and its partners in integration entities.In fact, the prospects of the ODEDGUAM organization are directly dependent on the position and policy of external actors who consider this organization as one of the platforms to influence the Russian Federation as well as the People’s Republic of China and the integration projects implemented by these countries.


Author(s):  
Elizaveta Dmitrievna Trifonova ◽  
Darya Vladimirovna Tavberidze

The subject of this research is the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and the goals of the Russian Federation therein. This article aims to fill the gap in French historiography and analyze the goals of the Russian Federation in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization through the prism of French researchers. An overview is given to the assessment given by French authors to Russia’s goals in this organization at the stage of its foundation, establishment and development, as well as the overall goals of the Russian foreign policy in post-Soviet space and Central Asia. Special attention is given to the security and energy issues, as well as the growing influence of China and the United States in Central Asia. The relevance of this work is substantiated by the analysis of French research dedicated to the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and the goals of the Russian Federation therein, which is carried out for the first time. For article leans on the monographs and articles by the French historians, political scientists, and experts in the area of international relations dedicated to foreign policy of the Russian Federation in the early 1990s – late 2000s and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. The conclusion is made that according to the majority of French researchers, the Russian Federation uses the Shanghai Cooperation Organization to strengthen its positions in Central Asia, as well as on the international arena.


1969 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 210-222 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lawrence A. Kaplan

Nato has been a phenomenon in international relations. It is unlike most multinational organizations of the past in that it has survived for a generation, and it has thereby fulfilled, at least, the minimal expectations of its founding fathers. Even more phenomenal for Americans has been the identification of the United States with an idea, a particular group of nations, and an organization which were all repugnant to a tradition that specifically isolated America from Europe. The origins of the North Atlantic Treaty are inextricably linked with the rediscovery of Europe by the United States.


Author(s):  
Vitalii F. Ershov ◽  

The paper deals with the development of financial and economic relations of the United States and Canada with post-Soviet states in the context of geopolitical processes in the Eurasian space. The author analyzes the nature of the North American investment capital impact on the internal development of the countries of Eurasia and on the dynamics of Eurasian integration. The paper highlights the most important events in the field of economic diplomacy of the United States and Canada, dynamics of volumes and sectoral focus of North American investments in the Eurasian region. A distinctive feature of the United States and Canada investment policy in the post-Soviet space is its politicization, its involvement in the global geopolitical projects of the West of the 21 st century. American business is most active in the countries of Eurasian Economic Union that already have developed the market institutions – Re- public of Belarus, Republic of Kazakhstan, Republic of Armenia, but it also acts in the Central Asia countries interested in attracting foreign capital. The work focuses on an analysis of the development of financial and economic rela- tions of the United States and Canada with post-Soviet states by the example of the Eurasian Economic Union members – Republic of Armenia, Republic of Belarus, Republic of Kazakhstan and Kyrgyz Republic (except of Russian Federation, whose relationship with the United States and Canada should be the subject of a separate study).


The article considers the development of Z. Brzezinski’s geostrategic concept regarding Ukraine in the period from 1950 to 2017. The author attempts to determine the role Ukraine plays in Brzezinski’s geostrategy. The study concludes that Brzezinski’s geostrategic concept in relation to Ukraine is by and large the result of many years of geopolitical confrontation between the United States and Russia. Its key imperatives were first formulated as a means of undermining the national unity of the Soviet Union, and then were combined into a system for restraining Russia’s imperial aspirations and geopolitical ambitions in the post-Soviet space. In the author’s judgment, it is for this reason that the main fundamentals of this concept remained unchanged throughout the entire period under review (1950–2017), while certain aspects and tactical approaches were changed and adjusted depending on the state of relations between the West and Russia. This was most evident in the issue of Ukraine’s membership in NATO. Until 2014, when there were no sharp conflicts and contradictions in relations between the West and Russia, Brzezinski acted as a staunch advocate for Ukraine’s admission to the alliance in the foreseeable future. It is characteristic that during this period he was far from being embarrassed by the fact that Ukrainian society was divided on this issue, as was repeatedly pointed out by his opponents. He did not deny this, but he never considered reality to be something immutable and predetermined. On the contrary, in his opinion, it can and should be changed when necessary. From 2014, in a changing environment of escalating geopolitical confrontation with Russia, Brzezinski came to suggest that Ukraine should be denied the right to join the North Atlantic Alliance and Russia should be guaranteed the non-aligned status of Ukraine, referring, inter alia, to the lack of unity on this issue within Ukrainian society.


Author(s):  
Alonso Gurmendi Dunkelberg

Abstract Samuel Moyn’s latest book, Humane: How the United States Abandoned Peace and Reinvented War, offers a compelling re-reading of the history of the laws of war not as the precursors of international humanitarian law, but as enablers of what he calls “inhumane war”. Instead of advancing the cause of humanization of war, Moyn argues in favour of pacificism and the abolition of war in its entirety. And yet, Moyn’s decision to tell his history through two interconnected but different parts – one on the broader history of the laws of war and another on the very recent present of US domestic politics – forces the book to embrace a North Atlantic, Anglo-American vision of international law that robs it of valuable insights from the Global South and its relationship to the same body of laws. In this review essay, I explore these missed connections seeking to offer a more global approach to the history of war and peace.


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