scholarly journals Shevchenko’s Grateful Readers from Dnieper Ukraine: Volodymyr Antonovych and Mykola Lysenko

2019 ◽  
pp. 33-41
Author(s):  
Roxana Kharchuk
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
19Th Century ◽  
Educational Program ◽  
Left Bank ◽  
Level Of Education ◽  
Self Sufficiency ◽  
Language And Literature ◽  
The Right ◽  
High Level ◽  
The 19Th Century

This paper outlines the portrait of Shevchenko’s reader from the Dnieper Ukraine in the first half of the 19th century based on the example of two prominent figures of Kyiv (Old) “Hromada” Volodymyr Antonovych and Mykola Lysenko. The first one represented the intellectuals from the Right Bank Ukraine, the second one ‒ from the Left Bank part. Under the influence of the Ukrainian national renaissance Volodymyr Antonovych became de-Polonized. He was the first political Ukrainian who understood the significance of Shevchenko’s poetry for the formation of Ukrainian national identity (this is evidenced by his memoirs and promoting Shevchenko’s works). According to M. Starytskyi, Mykola Lysenko perceived “Kobzar” passionately. Not only did he become de-Russificated under the influence of Shevchenko’s poetry, but also made the music to “Kobzar” a matter of his life. The author of the paper emphasizes that Shevchenko’s works urged the intellectuals from the Right and Left Bank Ukraine, disconnected after the Truce of Andrusovo, to unite in “Hromada” movement. At the same time the Left Bank intellectuals dominated in “Hromada”. On the researcher’s opinion, this fact may be explained by the high level of education in the Cossak Hetmanate Ukraine. “Kobzar” was a cornerstone for the educational program of Ukrainian ‘narodnyks’ and this whole intellectual movement was based on it. Shevchenko’s works essentially contributed to spreading the Ukrainian idea in Galicia. There is an opinion, that it was the Galician people who separated the Ukrainian national identity from Russian, while in the Left Bank Ukraine both of these identities coexisted. The author of the paper believes that the intellectuals in both parts of Ukraine in 1860s-1870s had an indistinct national identity. Unlike the Galicians the intellectuals from Ukraine under Russian rule, in particular Volodymyr Antonovych, could not speak openly about Ukrainian self-sufficiency. However Shevchenko (born in the Right Bank Ukraine) was first among Ukrainian intellectuals to voice a thesis about the separation of Ukrainians from Russians, about the distinctive Ukrainian history, language and literature that differ from the Russian ones.

scholarly journals Borders and bonds: Mali Zvornik and Sakar during the deosmanization of the Balkans of the XIX and XX century

2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (5) ◽  
pp. 7-50
Author(s):  
Safet Bandžović ◽  
Keyword(s):  
19Th Century ◽  
18Th Century ◽  
Left Bank ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
The Past ◽  
Political Ideologies ◽  
Muslim Communities ◽  
The Right ◽  
The 19Th Century ◽  
The Town

Knowledge of world / European history is important for a more complete understanding of complex processes, for comparisons and placing national and regional history in a broader context that provides more meaningful answers. What determines the course of history is sometimes “a series of smaller events in the midst of the context of big ideas”. The borders of the region are determined by geographical, cultural and geopolitical characteristics, as well as the political interests of those builders whose interpretation has dominance. In expanding or narrowing the territory of the Balkans, politics was usually more decisive than geography. Historical events in that area should be presented from the positions of all its peoples, including Muslim communities. Their narratives also form a legitimate part of the picture of that past. Muslims were not the “favorites” of multiple Balkan historiographies that minimized and marginalized their component, functioning as factors shaping their own national and political ideologies. Historiography does not only deal with the reconstruction of the past, but, with all the difficulties and pitfalls, it also interprets it. A fragmentary study of the destinies of Muslim communities hinders the identification of the broader processes and common denominators of their parcelized history. The processes of de-Ottomanization and Balkanization also led to their particular consciousness within the newly formed, post-Ottoman states. Their historical experience is largely not “condensed, preserved, and generationally transmitted”. The attitude that Muslims are “foreigners” in Europe is part of the mentality and process known as the “Eastern Question”. Minds are not too prone to change. Calling all Muslims “Turks” is not the result of ignorance, but of a concrete attitude. It was not until the Berlin Congress of 1878 that the question of their protection became somewhat relevant. The system of such protection was inadequate, without supervisory mechanisms to control the implementation of commitments. Major political changes most often brought about religious and ethnic changes and displacements in the Balkans. In the study of the decades-long process of formation of the Serbian state in the 19th century in the area of the Smederevo Sandzak and the emigration of Muslims from it, special attention is paid to the fate of two small settlements (Mali Zvornik and Sakar) on the right bank of the Drina. After the surrender of the towns to the Serbs in 1862, only Mali Zvornik and Sakar remained in the hands of the Muslims. The origin of the settlement of Mali Zvornik is connected to the existence of the Zvornik fortress and the town of Zvornik on the left bank of the Drina, which was first mentioned in 1412. Mali Zvornik grew on the right bank of the Drina as part of the town of Zvornik. In the first half of the 18th century, travel writers mention that Mala or Mahala of the Bosnian town of Zvornik, whose inhabitants were called Maholjani, was located there. South of Mali Zvornik lies village of Sakar. In the 19th century, in Mali Zvornik and Sakar, on the border with the Smederevo Sandzak, Muslims made up the majority of the population. As only the Drina separated them from the settlements of Divič and Tabaci on its other side, the inhabitants of these settlements were firmly connected by kinship, friendship and marriage, and they were economically oriented towards each other. The Principality of Serbia was persistent in its demands to get Mali Zvornik and Sakar, having in mind their geostrategic position. By the decision of the Berlin Congress in 1878, they became part of Serbia. Until 1912, these were the only settlements in it with a majority Muslim population. They lost that majority over time. What is conditionally called “local” history, in addition to great narratives, indicates, confirmed by various experiences, the multidimensionality of the past, its features and specifics in a particular area.

Paris

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sean Weiss
Keyword(s):  
19Th Century ◽  
French Revolution ◽  
Urban Expansion ◽  
Left Bank ◽  
13Th Century ◽  
Political Ambition ◽  
Old Regime ◽  
The Right ◽  
The 19Th Century ◽  
The City

The architecture of the city of Paris encompasses a history of more than two millennia. Paris’s earliest known architecture dates to the start of the 1st century, when the Gallo-Roman city of Lutetia developed on the Left Bank and the Île de la Cité. The city subsequently expanded across the Right Bank and the present location of many important ecclesiastical monuments was determined after Clovis I, king of the Franks, made Paris the seat of the Merovingian Kingdom at the start of the 6th century. The cathedral of Notre-Dame, the abbey church of Saint-Germain-des-Près, and the French Panthéon (formerly the church of Sainte-Geneviève) were all built on Merovingian sites. Although there is little evidence of the city’s architecture from these early periods, it nevertheless established two enduring principles that broadly characterize the development of the city’s architecture over time. First, Paris’s urban fabric has followed an ongoing process of centrifugal expansion, engulfing the surrounding land until 1869 when it was decided to annex the old eleven faubourgs and make them the surrounding arrondissements, whose outer edges mark the municipal limits of the city. In the 20th and 21st centuries, urban development projects continue apace in the banlieues, or suburbs, beyond the city’s limits, while building campaigns within the capital have principally taken the form of urban infill and renovation projects. Second, subsequent rulers have consistently appropriated the same sites and rebuilt or extended them as a mark of political ambition. This was the case for important Christian sites as well as for the city’s palace complexes, such as the early-13th-century Louvre, which was consistently occupied, rebuilt, and expanded during the Old Regime; partially used as a museum during the French Revolution; and only transformed into a museum in its entirety in the 1980s when President François Mitterand stamped the buildings with his own political ambition in his bid to again transform the city. Collectively, the process of urban expansion and the reappropriation of sites have made the city’s architecture dense with historical layers from different periods of time. It has been the task of historians to peel back these layers to study the social, cultural, and material significance of the city’s architecture. To present the literature on Paris’s architecture in light of its vast history, the following bibliography begins with more general literature and research sources, and it then progresses chronologically, starting with Lutetia’s architecture and ending at the close of the 20th century. As the bibliography moves forward in time, the scholarship becomes denser, especially in the 19th century. This focus in large part reflects the recent nature of the city’s existing built fabric, which was mostly constructed starting in the mid-19th century.

THE IDEA OF «COMMUNITY» IN THE GOVERNMENT CONCEPTS OF GALICIA OF THE XIX – BEGINNING OF THE XX CENTURY

2019 ◽  
pp. 15-21
Author(s):  
Liubomyr Ilyn
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
19Th Century ◽  
Practical Significance ◽  
Distinctive Features ◽  
Legal Studies ◽  
Legal Principle ◽  
General Scientific ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Right ◽  
The 19Th Century

Purpose. The purpose of the article is to analyze and systematize the views of social and political thinkers of Galicia in the 19th - beginning of the 20th centuries. on the right and manner of organizing a nation-state as a cathedral. Method. The methodology includes a set of general scientific, special legal, special historical and philosophical methods of scientific knowledge, as well as the principles of objectivity, historicism, systematic and comprehensive. The problem-chronological approach made it possible to identify the main stages of the evolution of the content of the idea of catholicity in Galicia's legal thought of the 19th century. Results. It is established that the idea of catholicity, which was borrowed from church terminology, during the nineteenth century. acquired clear legal and philosophical features that turned it into an effective principle of achieving state unity and integrity. For the Ukrainian statesmen of the 19th century. the idea of catholicity became fundamental in view of the separation of Ukrainians between the Russian and Austro-Hungarian empires. The idea of unity of Ukrainians of Galicia and the Dnieper region, formulated for the first time by the members of the Russian Trinity, underwent a long evolution and received theoretical reflection in the work of Bachynsky's «Ukraine irredenta». It is established that catholicity should be understood as a legal principle, according to which decisions are made in dialogue, by consensus, and thus able to satisfy the absolute majority of citizens of the state. For Galician Ukrainians, the principle of unity in the nineteenth century. implemented through the prism of «state» and «international» approaches. Scientific novelty. The main stages of formation and development of the idea of catholicity in the views of social and political figures of Halychyna of the XIX – beginning of the XX centuries are highlighted in the work. and highlighting the distinctive features of «national statehood» that they promoted and understood as possible in the process of unification of Ukrainian lands into one state. Practical significance. The results of the study can be used in further historical and legal studies, preparation of special courses.

MASJID BESAR RAJA HAJI ABDUL GHANI PULAU BURU KEPULAUAN RIAU

2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nurman Kholis
Keyword(s):  
Qualitative Research ◽  
Research Methods ◽  
19Th Century ◽  
Qualitative Research Methods ◽  
District Level ◽  
History Of ◽  
Chinese Buddhists ◽  
The Right ◽  
The 19Th Century ◽  
Level Government

Abstract. Many Muslims in the Riau Islands do not know the history of the development of Islamic theory from the center of power to spread to various corners. This is as the existence of the Great Mosque of Raja Haji Abdul Ghani (MBRHAG) on Buru Island, Karimun. Thus, to uncover the existence of this mosque, qualitative research methods are used so that history, architecture, and socio-religious functions can be known. Based on the results of the study it was concluded that the establishment of MBRHAG was initiated by Raja Haji Abdul Ghani. He was the first Amir (sub-district level government) of the kingdom of Riau-Lingga on Buru Island, in the 19th century. The architecture is a Chinese. Therefore, on the right side of this mosque is around 200 m, there is also the Sam Po Teng Temple and the Tri Dharma Dewa Bumi. Thus, the close location of the mosque with Chinese and Confucian worship houses's shows a harmonious relationship between Malay Muslims and Chinese Buddhists. In fact, in the continuation of this relationship there was information that a Chinese Buddhist had joined a Muslim friend to fast for half a month of Ramadan.Keywords: Mosque, Malay Muslims, Chinese Buddhists/Confucians, Harmonious RelationsAbstrak. Umat Islam di Kepulauan Riau banyak yang tidak mengenal sejarah perkembangan ajaran Islam dari pusat kekuasaan hingga tersebar ke berbagai pelosok. Hal ini sebagaimana keberadaan Masjid Besar Raja Haji Abdul Ghani (MBRHAG) di Pulau Buru, Karimun. Dengan demikian, untuk mengungkapkan keberadaan masjid ini digunakan metode penelitian kualitatif  agar dapat diketahui sejarah, arsitektur, dan fungsi sosial keagamaannya.  Berdasarkan hasil penelitian diperoleh kesimpulan bahwa pendirian MBRHAG diprakarsai oleh Raja Haji Abdul Ghani. Ia adalah Amir (pemerintah setingkat kecamatan) pertama kerajaan Riau-Lingga di Pulau Buru, pada abad ke-19. Adapun arsitekturnya adalah seorang Tionghoa. Karena itu, di sebelah kanan masjid ini sekitar 200 m juga terdapat Kelenteng Sam Po Teng dan cetya Tri Dharma Dewa Bumi. Dengan demikian, dekatnya lokasi masjid dengan rumah ibadah umat Tionghoa dan Khonghucu ini menunjukkan hubungan yang harmonis antara muslim Melayu dengan Budhis Tionghoa. Bahkan, dalam kelangsungan hubungan ini terdapat informasi seorang Buddhis Tionghoa pernah ikut temannya yang beragama muslim untuk berpuasa selama setengah bulan Ramadhan.Kata Kunci: Masjid, Muslim Melayu, Buddhis/Khonghucu Tionghoa, Hubungan Harmonis

Сирия (аш-Шам) в системе османских владений (XVI – начало XX в.)

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
D.R. Zhantiev
Keyword(s):  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
19Th Century ◽  
Social Mechanisms ◽  
Checks And Balances ◽  
Local Elites ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
The Face ◽  
High Level ◽  
The 19Th Century

Аннотация В статье рассматривается роль и место Сирии (включая Ливан и Палестину) в системе османских владений на протяжении нескольких веков от османского завоевания до периода правления султана Абдул-Хамида II. В течение четырех столетий османского владычества территория исторической Сирии (Билад аш-Шам) была одним из важнейших компонентов османской системы и играла роль связующего звена между Анатолией, Египтом, Ираком и Хиджазом. Необходимость ежегодной организации хаджа с символами султанской власти и покровительства над святынями Мекки и Медины определяла особую стратегическую важность сирийских провинций Османской империи. Несмотря на ряд серьезных угроз во время общего кризиса османской государственности (конец XVI начало XIX вв.), имперскому центру удалось сохранить контроль над Сирией путем создания сдержек и противовесов между местными элитами. В XIX в. и особенно в период правления Абдул- Хамида II (18761909 гг.), сохранение Сирии под османским контролем стало вопросом существования Османской империи, которая перед лицом растущего европейского давления и интервенции потеряла большую часть своих владений на Балканах и в Северной Африке. Задача укрепления связей между имперским центром и периферией в сирийских вилайетах в последней четверти XIX в. была в целом успешно решена. К началу XX в. Сирия была одним из наиболее политически спокойных и прочно связанных со Стамбулом регионов Османской империи. Этому в значительной степени способствовали довольно высокий уровень общественной безопасности, развитие внешней торговли, рост образования и постепенная интеграция местных элит (как мусульман, так и христиан) в османские государственные и социальные механизмы. Положение Сирии в системе османских владений показало, что процесс ослабления и территориальной дезинтеграции Османской империи в эпоху реформ не был линейным и наряду с потерей владений и влияния на Балканах, в азиатской части империи в течение XIX и начала XX вв. происходил параллельный процесс имперской консолидации.Abstract The article examines the role and place of Greater Syria (including Lebanon and Palestine) in the system of Ottoman possessions over several centuries from the Ottoman conquest to the period of the reign of Abdul Hamid II. For four centuries of Ottoman domination, the territory of historical Syria (Bilad al-Sham) was one of the most important components in the Ottoman system and played the role of a link between Anatolia, Egypt, Iraq and Hijaz. The need to ensure the Hajj with symbols of Sultan power and patronage over the shrines of Mecca and Medina each year determined the special strategic importance of the Syrian provinces of the Ottoman Empire. Despite a number of serious threats during the general crisis of the Ottoman state system (late 16th early 19th centuries), the imperial center managed to maintain control over Syria by creating checks and balances between local elites. In the 19th century. And especially during the reign of Abdul Hamid II (18761909), keeping Syria under Ottoman control became a matter of existence for the Ottoman Empire, which, in the face of increasing European pressure and intervention, lost most of its possessions in the Balkans and North Africa. The task of strengthening ties between the imperial center and the periphery in Syrian vilayets in the last quarter of the 19th century was generally successfully resolved. By the beginning of the 20th century, Syria was one of the most politically calm and firmly connected with Istanbul regions of the Ottoman Empire. This was greatly facilitated by a fairly high level of public safety, the development of foreign trade, the growth of education and the gradual integration of local elites (both Muslims and Christians) into Ottoman state and social mechanisms. Syrias position in the system of Ottoman possessions clearly showed that the process of weakening and territorial disintegration of the Ottoman Empire during the era of reform was not linear, and along with the loss of possessions and influence in the Balkans, in the Asian part of the empire during the 19th and early 20th centuries there was a parallel process of imperial consolidation.

Politieke statistiek in België : Oproep bij het einde van 170 jaar België

Res Publica ◽  
2000 ◽  
Vol 42 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 379-389
Author(s):  
Wilfried Dewachter
Keyword(s):  
20Th Century ◽  
19Th Century ◽  
Statistical Data ◽  
Depth Information ◽  
Global Approach ◽  
Institutional Approach ◽  
Static View ◽  
The Right ◽  
The 19Th Century

The great promises that "Statistik" yielded in the 19th century in Belgium, did  not materialise. At least as far as political statistics are concerned. In the second half of the 20th century the output was rather limited and thus very incomplete, not very professionally conceived and elaborated, disorderly provided, strongly related to an outrunned institutional approach and thus quite conservative in its orientation, veiled in inaccurate categories with the static view rather dominant. Therefore, starting from a global approach of the 3 P's (=polity, politics and policy), a rebuilding is necessary. This should provide for an inventory of existing statistical data and -above all -a masterplan to achieve a straightforward view on the 3 P's in Belgium: polity, politics and policy. A polyarchy has the right and the need to in depth information that is as complete as feasible. Statistics are very handy tools to provide this information to both policymakers and citizens.

Sources of the recognition of belligerent status

1977 ◽  
Vol 17 (192) ◽  
pp. 111-127 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles Zorgbibe
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
19Th Century ◽  
The State ◽  
Sovereign Power ◽  
Equal Status ◽  
Positive Law ◽  
Unilateral Action ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Right ◽  
The 19Th Century

“Whenever a large organized group believes it has the right to resist the sovereign power and considers itself capable of resorting to arms, war between the two parties should take place in the same manner as between nations…” This statement by de Vattel in the 19th century seemed destined to take its place as a part of positive law, constituting part of what was known as recognition of belligerency, tantamount to the recognition by the established government of an equal status for insurgents and regular belligerents. When a civil war became extensive enough, the State attacked would understand that it was wisest to acknowledge the existence of a state of war with part of the population. This would, at the same time, allow the conflict to be seen in a truer light. The unilateral action of the legal government in recognizing belligerency would be the condition for granting belligerent rights to the parties. It would constitute a demonstration of humanity on the part of the government of the State attacked and would also provide that government with prospects for effective pursuit of the war. By admitting that it was forced to resort to war, it would at least have its hands free to make war seriously.

scholarly journals Designing the social estate of odnodvortsy of the western provinces in 1831

2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 135-140
Author(s):  
Constantin Vadimovich Troianowski
Keyword(s):  
19Th Century ◽  
Legal Status ◽  
Social Hierarchy ◽  
Social Category ◽  
The Past ◽  
Imperial Russia ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Right ◽  
The 19Th Century

This article investigates the process of designing of the new social estate in imperial Russia - odnodvortsy of the western provinces. This social category was designed specifically for those petty szlachta who did not possess documents to prove their noble ancestry and status. The author analyses deliberations on the subject that took place in the Committee for the Western Provinces. The author focuses on the argument between senior imperial officials and the Grodno governor Mikhail Muraviev on the issue of registering petty szlachta in fiscal rolls. Muraviev argued against setting up a special fiscal-administrative category for petty szlachta suggesting that its members should join the already existing unprivileged categories of peasants and burgers. Because this proposal ran against the established fiscal practices, the Committee opted for creating a distinct social estate for petty szlachta. The existing social estate paradigm in Russia pre-assigned the location of the new soslovie in the imperial social hierarchy. Western odnodvortsy were to be included into a broad legal status category of the free inhabitants. Despite similarity of the name, the new estate was not modeled on the odnodvortsy of the Russian provinces because they retained from the past certain privileges (e.g. the right to possess serfs) that did not correspond to the 19th century attributes of unprivileged social estates.

scholarly journals EVERYDAY LIFE OF UKRAINIAN NOBILITY IN 2 QUARTER OF 19 CENTURY: M. MARKEVYCH’S LETTER TO P. GALAGAN

2019 ◽  
pp. 85-92
Author(s):  
Maryna Budzar
Keyword(s):  
Everyday Life ◽  
19Th Century ◽  
Psychological Characteristics ◽  
Left Bank ◽  
Middle Income ◽  
The Family ◽  
The Everyday ◽  
History Of ◽  
The 19Th Century ◽  
Everyday Communication

The publication of the document is devoted to the anniversaries of two well-known representatives of the Ukrainian elite of the 19th century — 200th anniversary of the birth of Hryhorii Pavlovych Galagan and the 215th anniversary of the birth of Mykola Andriiovych Markevych. Published letter depicts the serious events of the family history of Markevyches — the disease and the death of the father of historian Andrii Markevych. The text contains a detailed description of the events leading up to the event and the circumstances of the death of A. Markevych. The author addresses to Pavlo Galagan, who is the husband of his aunt (mother’s sister). He fully trusts this man. This leads to the frankness of the story. The text includes people from the immediate surroundings of related families of Markevyches — Galagans. This allows us to clarify the personal and psychological characteristics of individual representatives of the Markevyches family. We can notice from the text the remarkable details of the everyday life of the middle-income family of the beginning of the 19th century. We see the arrangement of everyday life, the traditions of everyday communication, the level of provision of medical aid, etc. The contents of the document reveals the attitude of the nobility Left Bank Ukraine to the problem of disease and death, to the ethics of family communication, to property and financial problems.

scholarly journals ZAINTERESOWANIA JĘZYKOZNAWCZE ZYGMUNTA KRASIŃSKIEGO

2020 ◽  
pp. 93-101
Author(s):  
TADEUSZ LEWASZKIEWICZ
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
19Th Century ◽  
Mother Tongue ◽  
Polish Language ◽  
Strong Attachment ◽  
The 19Th Century

Zygmunt Krasiński devoted much if his attention to the “philosophical” essence of the language and the origins of various tongues. His conjectures, based on speculative and mystic philosophy, are of no scientific importance; rather, they reflect the author’s strong attachment to religion. While not original, his views on the role of a mother tongue in preserving national identity are correct. The writer was interested in spelling and correct grammatical usage of the Polish language. He also focused on assessing the style of texts written in Polish and French. His views were hardly innovative, offering some value in comparison with the 19th century theory of style. Other language-related mentions: the sophistication of Juliusz Słowacki’s language and proposals of baby names based on “inspired” etymological ideas, are inconsequential.

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