Mobilising Yoruba Popular Culture: Babangida Must Go

Africa ◽  
2003 ◽  
Vol 73 (1) ◽  
pp. 77-87 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Haynes
Keyword(s):  
Popular Culture ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Distribution System ◽  
Music Videos ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Poetic Form ◽  
Print Journalism ◽  
Video Distribution ◽  
The Military

AbstractNigerian video films are often characterised as apolitical. A rare and significant exception is Gbenga Adewusi's Maradona (also known as Babangida Must Go), which was released in 1993 in response to the annulment of the 12 June 1993 presidential election by the military ruler Ibrahim Babangida. The film is a fierce denunciation of the annulment and of the whole political regime, employing a number of Yoruba and transnational cultural forms: the chanted poetic form ewi, skits by artists from the Yoruba travelling theatre tradition, the televisual forms of music videos, news broadcasting and call-in shows, and the resources of print journalism. This film demonstrates the political potential of the video film, but also the limitations of the video distribution system.

State-run celebration of Liberation Day in Czechoslovakia (based on audiovisual sources)

2019 ◽  
pp. 251-268
Author(s):  
Timur Gimadeev
Keyword(s):  
Political Development ◽  
Communist Regime ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Historical Experience ◽  
History Of ◽  
Post War ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Military

The article deals with the history of celebrating the Liberation Day in Czechoslovakia organised by the state. Various aspects of the history of the holiday have been considered with the extensive use of audiovisual documents (materials from Czechoslovak newsreels and TV archives), which allowed for a detailed analysis of the propaganda representation of the holiday. As a result, it has been possible to identify the main stages of the historical evolution of the celebrations of Liberation Day, to discover the close interdependence between these stages and the country’s political development. The establishment of the holiday itself — its concept and the military parade as the main ritual — took place in the first post-war years, simultaneously with the consolidation of the Communist regime in Czechoslovakia. Later, until the end of the 1960s, the celebrations gradually evolved along the political regime, acquiring new ritual forms (ceremonial meetings, and “guards of memory”). In 1968, at the same time as there was an attempt to rethink the entire socialist regime and the historical experience connected with it, an attempt was made to reconstruct Liberation Day. However, political “normalisation” led to the normalisation of the celebration itself, which played an important role in legitimising the Soviet presence in the country. At this stage, the role of ceremonial meetings and “guards of memory” increased, while inventions released in time for 9 May appeared and “May TV” was specially produced. The fall of the Communist regime in 1989 led to the fall of the concept of Liberation Day on 9 May, resulting in changes of the title, date and paradigm of the holiday, which became Victory Day and has been since celebrated on 8 May.

scholarly journals “Do not deem the measures taken as violence...”: public charity and governance in Transbaikal during the political regime of the ataman G. Semenov

2021 ◽  
pp. 60-89
Author(s):  
Elena Sevostyanova ◽  
Olesya Ul'yanova
Keyword(s):  
Living Standards ◽  
Psychological State ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
Methodological Principle ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Public ◽  
Functional Relationships ◽  
Habitual Activity ◽  
Psychological Pressure ◽  
The Military

The object of this research is the regional charity and its transformation after February 1917, while the subject is the public charity in Transbaikal during the Civil War and political regime of the ataman G. Semenov. The research relies on the archival sources and periodical press materials. Using the systematic methodological principle, the topic is viewed in strong correlation with the events that unfolded in the society, taking into account structural, genetic, and functional relationships. The article is divided into parts, each of which reflects one of the facets of the articulated problem: disastrous fall in living standards of the population, household difficulties and psychological state peculiarities; crisis of the system of state care and collapse of the imperial system of organized public charity; public initiatives in the sphere of charity (forms, main recipients); “techniques” for encouraging charity used by the administration of the ataman G. Semenov. The conclusion is made that charitable activity overall during the political regime of the ataman G. Semenov retained. This was important, particularly in the conditions of declining living standards and growing number of destitute people, given that the circle of those eligible for receiving welfare has reduced, including for ideological reasons. The main recipients of public charity remained the orphans. Charity events for the own benefit, conducted by the educational institutions and ethnic diasporas, became a noticeable trend. The charity evenings for supporting the military, which in the early going appeared to be unregulated by Semenov’s administration, were prohibited. The authorities, interested in retaining public charity, often resorted to coercive measures fort its stimulation, including threats to habitual activity of the residents. The population was actively forced to donate for the army. The article reveals the methods of psychological pressure and coercion applied to population for participating in charity activities.

EL ORDEN POLáTICO SEGÚN LA DICTADURA CáVICO-MILITAR ARGENTINA 1976-1983

2013 ◽  
Vol 10 (16) ◽  
Author(s):  
MARTA PHILP
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Political Order ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Military Power ◽  
Military Dictatorship ◽  
The Core ◽  
Central Task ◽  
America Latina ◽  
The Military

Resumen: En el trabajo se analizan las intervenciones de los militares que gobernaron la Argentina  durante la dictadura cá­vico-militar en Argentina en el perá­odo 1976-1983, destinadas a lograr una  tarea central de todo régimen polá­tico: la justificación del poder. A partir de la exclusión de la  polá­tica, declamada pero no practicada, se apropiaron de distintos escenarios para construir maneras  de definir el orden polá­tico, nombrado como democracia sustancial, democracia de los mejores en  oposición a la demagogia, causa de su nueva irrupción en la historia polá­tica argentina el 24 de  marzo de 1976. La imperiosa necesidad de concluir con esta democracia desvirtuada era presentada  como eje de su tarea central: reorganizar la nación, tarea que originó su autodenominación como  ”Proceso de Reorganización Nacional”. Esta reconstrucción de los esfuerzos de los militares en el  poder para legitimar su accionar pretende aportar a la comprensión y explicación de las rupturas  institucionales en América Latina, seguidas de la instauración de gobiernos autoritarios.Palabras clave: Dictadura cá­vico-militar, Justificación del poder, Orden polá­tico.  THE POLITICAL ORDER ACCORDING TO THE ARGENTINE CIVIC-MILITARY DICTATORSHIP 1976-1983Abstract: The paper discusses the interventions by the military which ruled the Argentina during  the military dictatorship in Argentina during the 1976-1983, aimed at achieving a central task of any  political regime: the justification of power. From the exclusion of the policy, recited but not  practiced, they appropriated various scenarios to build ways to define the political order, named as  substantial democracy, democracy of the best as opposed to demagoguery, cause of the new  outbreak in Argentine political history on March 24, 1976. The urgent need to conclude with this  democracy undermined was presented as the core of its central task: reorganizing the nation, task  which originated its self-designation as "Proceso de Reorganización Nacional". This reconstruction  of the efforts of the military power to legitimize their actions intended to contribute to the  understanding and explanation of institutional ruptures in Latin America, followed by the  establishment of authoritarian governments.Keyswords: Civic-military dictatorship, Justification of the power, Political order.

scholarly journals El sistema electoral francés

2020 ◽  
pp. 163
Author(s):  
Olivier Lecucq
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Election ◽  
Public Life ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Fifth Republic ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
El Sistema ◽  
Voting Methods ◽  
Democratic Life

El sistema electoral francés, que se refiere a las elecciones «políticas», tiene varias características fundamentales. La más destacada es sin duda la elección presidencial, que es EL momento electoral en Francia y que condiciona la vida del régimen político de la Quinta República. Además, el respeto de la igualdad de sufragio, los vínculos con la nacionalidad y la competencia legislativa para regular los métodos de votación de las distintas elecciones son los aspectos más destacados en materia electoral. También es importante tener en cuenta las reformas a las que ha sido sometido, en relación con el objetivo de la paridad electoral o la reconfiguración de las elecciones parlamentarias, que actualmente se está reflejando en un proyecto de ley constitucional y una ley orgánica destinada a promover la renovación de la vida democrática y la moralización de la vida pública.The French electoral system, which concerns «political» elections, is marked by several fundamental features. The most remarkable is undoubtedly the presidential election, which is THE electoral moment in France and which conditions the life of the political regime of the Fifth Republic. Beyond that, respect for equal suffrage, the links with nationality and the exercise of legislative power to define the voting methods of the various elections are the highlights of electoral matters. It is also important to take into account the reforms that have been carried out in this area, with regard to the objective of electoral parity or the reconfiguration of parliamentary elections, which is currently being reflected in a draft constitutional law and a draft organic law designed to promote the renewal of democratic life and the moralization of public life. 

Party Registration and the Subversion of Democracy in Nigeria

1999 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-65
Author(s):  
Pita Ogaba Agbese
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
The Political ◽  
Party Registration ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Military

Nigeria has had three programs of transition from military to civil rule in the last 13 years. Despite the enormous resources wasted on the first two programs, by Generals Ibrahim Babangida and Sani Abacha, democracy remains a mirage in Nigeria. The demise of the two programs was not just a monumental failure on the part of the two leaders; it also vividly demonstrates the military’s inability to effect a lasting transition to civil rule. In addition, the utter failure of both programs has exposed the political brinkmanship to which the military is prepared to go to subvert democracy. Babangida’s brazen annulment of the June 1993 presidential election and Abacha’s repressive, dictatorial, and corrupt governing style brought Nigeria closer to the edge of the precipice than any other crisis since the civil war of the 1960s.

scholarly journals Bunda

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 38-57
Author(s):  
Ana Paula Garcia Boscatti
Keyword(s):  
Visual Culture ◽  
Mass Culture ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Mass Tourism ◽  
National Body ◽  
New Models ◽  
The Military ◽  
The City ◽  
Regulatory Models

This research aims to understand the process that led to the consecration of the butt as a cultural product at a time when the mass culture in Brazil was expanding and the military-corporate dictatorship consolidated the political regime of heterosexuality. The transformations in the visibility status of the city of Rio de Janeiro, which followed the strengthening of mass tourism, allowed that the female body incarnated in a carioca incorporated new models of Brazilianness. In this context, the butt emerged as a possible sign as well as an agent of history, since it mediated an economy of gender, race, class, and sexuality that circulated through consumption. This visual economy favored new biopolitical models that negotiated the evolution of national “nature” through the perfect body. In this sense, this article seeks to map out regulatory models and to expose the structures of power and knowledge that sought to produce regimes of truth about the national body. Supported by elements of mass culture (goods, images, services, etc.) this work investigates the ways through which the butt was co-opted by power as a part of Brazilian visual culture, supporting the global commercialization of Brazilian bioesthetics.

Politicized Democracy: Competition, Institutions, and “Civic Fatigue” in Brazil

1991 ◽  
Vol 33 (3) ◽  
pp. 75-112 ◽  
Author(s):  
Timothy J. Power
Keyword(s):  
General Population ◽  
Political System ◽  
Military Regime ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
Executive Power ◽  
The Political ◽  
The One ◽  
The Military

Brazil began the 1990s the same way it began the 1980s: in crisis. A decade ago, popular dissatisfaction with the performance of the political system was at an all-time high. As the legitimacy of the military regime installed in 1964 gradually dissipated, political and military elites turned their attention to the question of what kind of regime would be able to replace the one which was disintegrating. In one important aspect their vision coincided with the aspirations of the general population: the new political regime would have to be based on increased competition. Military elites would yield executive power, and the civilian politicians replacing them would agree to submit themselves to the popular verdict.

The Czech Republic: The Military and Politics

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zdeněk Kříž ◽  
Oldřich Krpec
Keyword(s):  
Czech Republic ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Communist Regime ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Civilian Control ◽  
Political Regimes ◽  
The Czech Republic ◽  
Democratic State ◽  
The Military

The states that existed historically in what is now the Czech Republic were characterized by frequent changes of political regime, and these changes were substantially reflected in the military. Every political regime successfully avoided a military putsch despite that regime changes and international crises opened several windows of opportunity for considering open military interference (including military coups) in politics. All of the political regimes ruling in the Czech lands sought to make the military a mirror of the civilian state and society, applying what Samuel Huntington calls subjective civilian control. Military institutions were adapted to the ruling political regime as much as possible with the aim of securing their political loyalty. Values typical of each regime were implemented in the military. In the period of 1918–1938, for example, soldiers were expected to be politically conscious citizens of a democratic state. After 1948, the communist regime devoted considerable effort to transforming soldiers into obedient members of the socialist society, faithful to Marxism-Leninism and the Soviet Union. Later on, after 1989, the civic concept of the military was again emphasized, with the identification of soldiers with democratic and patriotic values considered an ideal. All the political regimes operating on the territory of today’s Czech Republic were successful in that the military as an institution has not interfered in politics and has been consistently loyal.

Democrazy—Dem Go Craze, O: Monitoring the 1999 Nigerian Elections

1999 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-33
Author(s):  
Darren Kew
Keyword(s):  
Transition Program ◽  
The Political ◽  
High Stakes ◽  
Political Class ◽  
Soccer Match ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Military

In many respects, the least important part of the 1999 elections were the elections themselves. From the beginning of General Abdusalam Abubakar’s transition program in mid-1998, most Nigerians who were not part of the wealthy “political class” of elites—which is to say, most Nigerians— adopted their usual politically savvy perspective of siddon look (sit and look). They waited with cautious optimism to see what sort of new arrangement the military would allow the civilian politicians to struggle over, and what in turn the civilians would offer the public. No one had any illusions that anything but high-stakes bargaining within the military and the political class would determine the structures of power in the civilian government. Elections would influence this process to the extent that the crowd influences a soccer match.

Espionage and Exile

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Phyllis Lassner
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Popular Culture ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Literary History ◽  
Political Engagement ◽  
The Political ◽  
International Crises ◽  
Popular Entertainment ◽  
John Le Carre ◽  
The Cold War

Espionage and Exile demonstrates that from the 1930s through the Cold War, British Writers Eric Ambler, Helen MacInnes, Ann Bridge, Pamela Frankau, John le Carré and filmmaker Leslie Howard combined propaganda and popular entertainment to call for resistance to political oppression. Instead of constituting context, the political engagement of these spy fictions bring the historical crises of Fascist and Communist domination to the forefront of twentieth century literary history. They deploy themes of deception and betrayal to warn audiences of the consequences of Nazi Germany's conquests and later, the fusion of Fascist and Communist oppression. Featuring protagonists who are stateless and threatened refugees, abandoned and betrayed secret agents, and politically engaged or entrapped amateurs, all in states of precarious exile, these fictions engage their historical subjects to complicate extant literary meanings of transnational, diaspora and performativity. Unsettling distinctions between villain and victim as well as exile and belonging dramatizes relationships between the ethics of espionage and responses to international crises. With politically charged suspense and narrative experiments, these writers also challenge distinctions between literary, middlebrow, and popular culture.

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