Migration Without a Face

2020 ◽  
pp. 197-223
Author(s):  
Philip E. Phillis ◽  
Philip E. Phillis

The author addresses three major case studies which articulate the notion of a refugee crisis in thought-provoking ways. Indeed, The Suspended Step of the Stork (1991), Ephemeral Town/Efimeri Poli (2000) and The Way to the West/O Dromos Pros ti Dysi (2003) merge conventions of art cinema and documentary in order to challenge discourses of charity and the very concept of a ‘crisis’. In their venture, filmmakers convey mass migration as a tragedy of displacement and homelessness. They expose the reluctance of Greece in its role as host, the new world order of globalization and the hardships of refugees, trapped in prostitution rings and in perpetual search for a home away from home. The debate on representation is extended in order to critically engage with problematic notions of anonymity that stereotypically adorns representations of refugees and it is argued that, in their attempt to screen mass migration as a tragedy, filmmakers reinforce the silence and victimhood of refugees.

2019 ◽  
pp. 80-102
Author(s):  
David Wood

This chapter develops an eleventh “plague” onto Jacques Derrida's list of ten plagues of the New World Order in his Specters of Marx: the growing global climate crisis. Forging an amalgam from Derrida and Heidegger, it shows that the eleventh plague was not just “one more plague” but was at the heart of the first ten, or at least was intimately implied or caught up in them. In the most summary form, this would be to show that questions of violence, law, and social justice are inseparable from ecological sustainability. A similar move would demonstrate that another candidate for the eleventh plague—the animal holocaust—is closely connected both with the first ten plagues and ecological sustainability, perhaps serving as a bridge of sorts. Derrida's remarks about the animal holocaust, and about human suffering and misery, are set in the context of people's denial, blindness, and refusal to acknowledge these phenomena, and the way that human suffering especially represents the contradiction, the hidden waste, produced by an ever more efficiently functioning system.


2013 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 129-146
Author(s):  
Ingrid M. Hoofd

NoBorder activisms and Italian philosophies are highly complicit in the ongoing fortification of the EU and the West, and of the West’s subsequent global hegemonic spread through Eurocentric discourses and technologies. I will show that many radical Italian writings, through a metaphorisation of the ‘migrant’ or ‘refugee’, supplement the alter-globalisation movement in effectively reproducing the Eurocentric fantasy of the Enlightenment subject as the ultimate centre for social change, just as much as those despised EU policies do. I will do so by pointing out that this migrant metaphor functions primarily as a tool to make possible the claim for some sort of hegemonic ‘unification of struggles’ in ‘the new world order’ by these radical Italian thinkers. They will be shown to do so through a doubly romanticising move, leading to both the reproduction of the migrant or refugee as a heroic figure and the acting out of an unfinishable desire for communal self-identification with the migrant, through claims that s/he embodies the transcendental fantasy of the total subsumption of boundaries.


2012 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-40
Author(s):  
Lilijana Burcar

In his dramatic sketch The New World Order Pinter exposes practices of psychological and physical abuse targeted at local people who resist neo-colonial advancements in territories directly occupied or indirectly controlled by Western hegemonic powers. Through the deployment of Pinteresque double-layered meanings conveyed through seemingly ordinary, everyday language, the drama unveils the ideological premises and operating principles of neo-colonial discourse. The paper discusses the way Pinter blasts apart a seemingly neutral Western rhetoric of humanitarian militarism, focusing on the discursive strategies by means of which neo-imperial violence, torture and massive dispossession of local populations are justified and naturalized.


1989 ◽  
Vol 45 (4) ◽  
pp. 324-332
Author(s):  
Ritu Sharma

Jawaharlal Nehru's keen sense of history and his intense nationalism played a key role in the evolution of his world-view which pioneered to give new direction to international politics in the post-Indian independence period. This world-view had developed gradually but formidably over a span of half a century entailing and synchronising the turmoil at the national and global level and finally leaving a profound impact on Nehru's mind.1 The vulnerable Western colonial domination of the world; the gripping struggle between the fascist and the liberal forces within the West itself and the confrontational poise between the Communist Soviet Union and the non-Communist Western countries were all considered to be the basic issues by Nehru, on the outcome of which would emerge a new world order. Nehru was ambitious enough to envisage top grading of India in the comity of nations following elimination of its colonial subjugation as a part of the well construed basis of the new order and it rhymed perfectly with the broad contours of his world vision.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Prodi_PGMI FTIK IAIN Palopo

This paper is focused on the description of technology role in English teaching and learning. Globalization has reacted a new world order for doing business. New information and comunication technologies (ICTs) have dramatically changed the way we live, learn, work, and even think about work.


Author(s):  
D. B. Ryurikov

Crises in global finance and economy, the threat of wars and tension in world relations, the degradation of the non-material bases of civilization, i.e. morality, law, politics, and culture, do not bother a group of influential financial and political figures of the West : they believe that after a sequence of crises and wars, a "new world order", the NWO, will be established. Projected globally once by the "hard", once by the "soft" power, the ideology and practice of the NWO negates the foundations of civilization gained by ordeals and sufferings of mankind, and means the departure from the principles and norms of the actual world order valid until the end of the 20th century. Essentially, the NWO is an anticivilizacion. If the project is allowed to be implemented, the lives of humans will change beyond recognition. Thus, the key challenge of our time : do not let the project to be realized, consolidate the forces opposing the NWO.


Author(s):  
Büşra Karataşer

The purpose of this chapter is to examine how globalization has played a decisive role in the Ottoman Empire and how it created reform through international trade policies and institutions. The first part will examine the concept of globalization and the integration of the Ottoman Empire into the West, the fundamentals of the Ottomanmentality and the effects of globalization on the Ottoman Empire in the 19th century. The second part will examine how globalization played a decisive role in the Ottoman Empire, the 19th century Ottoman economy, Ottoman international trade, and Ottoman external loans. The third part examines the institutionalization and modernization of the Ottoman Empire, reforms in naval affairs during the reign of Abdul Hamid II, and the organization of the navy. The fourth part will examine the institutional relations in the Ottoman Empire after globalization. Institutions will be examined in terms of how they were restructured or how new ones were created to adapt to a new world order.


Author(s):  
James Hann

This paper outlines the main problems and issues facing the world today and describes the potential relevance of nuclear energy to them. Five themes are chosen: the new world order, instability of the former communist bloc, the exploding world population, the ecological balance and the enfeebled capacity of the West. It is hoped that governments in the West can be persuaded to increase the nuclear capacity in order to cope with problems that will arise in the future.


2012 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-67
Author(s):  
Zhang Kaiyuan

Abstract When planning China’s future revolution, Sun Yat-sen at one time used the model of the West. Since China is after all a part of Asia, however, and as his understanding of the corrupt and critical state of the Western system of capitalism grew, he eventually looked once again to Asia. He advocated collaborating with Japan, and approved of allying with various oppressed peoples in Asia. He planned to join forces with other Asian nations in order to stop Western encroachment in Asia. He divided the world into two major categories: the oppressors and the oppressed. He sought independence, equality, prosperity, and power for the oppressed, and proposed a new world order of peace and justice. He considered nationalism to be the basis of cosmopolitanism. Only by restoring national equality to the oppressed nations would those nations be able to move toward cosmopolitanism. For Sun, societies should deal appropriately with the relationship between cosmopolitanism and nationalism, both of which necessarily were to endure profound, universal judgment from people around the world. Humankind was to reawaken and rally together to help their own respective cultures. China’s traditional morality was to spread to merge with the morally good elements of every country in the world, creating the foundation for building a new world citizen morality.


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