Prohairesis on the Inside: The Duchess of Malfi and Epictetian Volition

2019 ◽  
pp. 243-294
Author(s):  
Christopher Crosbie
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Force ◽  
Political Sphere ◽  
Ontological Ground ◽  
The Duchess Of Malfi

This chapter traces the indebtedness of John Webster's The Duchess of Malfi to Epictetian philosophy. For Epictetus, those who assent to false impressions, or phantasiai, enslave themselves, lessening their humanity. Conversely, those who reject false impressions remain free and fully human, however physically enslaved they might otherwise be. While the doctrines of Epictetian philosophy may seem a retreat from the political sphere into the untouchable recesses of an imperceptible interiority, Webster's play reveals the threat such a radical notion of liberty might pose to a repressive political system. For the playwright subtly depicts the prospect that solidarity across the various strata of society, built upon a shared sense of interior liberty, could prevail, where secret defiance and violent rebellion had not, in displacing systemic inequity. By aligning Bosola's revenge, as well as the Duchess' remarriage and death, with a strain of Epictetian prohairesis, Webster tethers the play's multiple acts of resistance into a complex yet coherent ontological ground. In doing so, he figures the imperceptible stirrings of human volition as a potent political force – if distributed broadly among the dehumanized and dispossessed – rife with revolutionary potential.

Corruption as a Threat to the Internal Security of the State

2019 ◽  
Vol 31 (31) ◽  
pp. 48-73 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wojciech M. Hrynicki
Keyword(s):  
Social Relations ◽  
Deleterious Effect ◽  
Political System ◽  
The State ◽  
Broad Sense ◽  
The Political ◽  
Narrow Sense ◽  
Internal Security ◽  
Political Sphere ◽  
Public Projects

Corruption poses a serious threat to the internal security of the state as it destabilises social relations and has a deleterious effect on the political system, negatively affecting legislation and the economy in particular. Corruption, as a phenomenon which erodes social relations, also results in demoralisation and the slackening of morals in society, which is an important substrate of the state. As a multi-dimensional phenomenon, corruption poses a threat to social relations within states and to their internal security both in the broad sense – as a threat to the instruments of the state, and in the narrow sense – threatening the lives, health and property of citizens. Corruption destabilises multiple areas of the functioning of the state, damages the political sphere, in particular in the case of unclear party financing rules and illicit lobbying. It also results in faulty laws and provisions being introduced (or not introduced) which favour the few. Corruption also involves destructive economic phenomena, especially in the case of large public projects and tax-related crimes. Morally, it constitutes treason. It ultimately destabilises state structures, rendering them dysfunctional and inefficient, and perverting the fundamental principles of democracy.

scholarly journals KETERWAKILAN PEREMPUAN DALAM DEWAN PERWAKILAN RAKYAT DAERAH

2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 55
Author(s):  
Isnaini Rodiyah
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Women's Representation ◽  
Political Sphere ◽  
Representation Of Women ◽  
Members Of Parliament ◽  
Women’S Representation ◽  
Women Participation

Representation of women in the political sphere can be interpreted as a form of participation in opening that the resulting policy will include the interests of all parties, whether at the local, national, and international levels. In the process of democratic issues, larger women participation, representation, and accountability are absolute prerequisites for the realization of a meaningful democracy. But in fact, in the district of Sidoarjo there is still women's lack of access making it difficult for women to show that their interests are not accommodated in the political system. This was marked by the lack (not quotas) of women representation as members of parliament in Sidoarjo. This paper is also intended to study the participation, quality, and responsibility of women's representation in the political sphere.

scholarly journals The Party System in Contemporary Japan: from the LDP Dominance to a Real Multiparty System

2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 120-136 ◽  
Author(s):  
D. V. STRELTSOV
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Political System ◽  
Party System ◽  
Political Power ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Capitalist System ◽  
Political Force ◽  
Coalition Governments

In the political system of post-war Japan there emerged a unique phenomenon of the ‘1955 system’, which contradicted, in its  form and in its essence, to the principle of the changeability of power inherent for the democratic systems. The Liberal-Democratic  Party retained majority in the lower house of Diet for the 38-year period, which allowed it to form the government without joining coalitions with any other parties. “The 1955 system” was a form of  adaptation of the political power to the specific conditions of cold war era. In the sphere of foreign policy, the bipolar model of the  Japanese political system reflected the ideological choice between  the capitalist system led by the United States and the socialist  system led by the USSR. In the economic sphere, the dominant  party system was the most appropriate response to the specific  needs of the mobilization economic model, in which first fiddle was played by bureaucracy, whilst the political power performed  rather decorative functions. The authoritarian features in the LDP  power system that can be imagined to be the result of its  monopolistic rule, in reality did not have a distinct manifestation because of the de facto absence of unity in its top  management and the preservation of a viable faction system well  adapted to the electoral model of the multimember  districts. The  end of ‘the 1955 system’, associated with the end of the cold war,  manifested itself in the loss of the LDP’s dominant position in the  party system and in the beginning of the era of coalition  governments. The issues of ideology in the post-bipolar period lost  their significance as a form of axis in the inter-party division. Currently, the LDP holds the leading positions in the political arena  as the main political force in the Diet. The ruling party faces serious  problems, among which one can mention the decline of the LDP  authority in the Japanese society against the background of resonant  political scandals, the absence of intra-party democracy  and the authoritarian style of Abe’s rule which raises the risks of  political mistakes, as well as the lack of reliable mechanisms of  succession of senior positions in the party hierarchy. However, the  specificity of the electoral system, as well as the chronic state of split and the absence of strong political leaders in the opposition camp,  give the LDP substantial advantages against other parties, feeding  the conclusion that the LDP will remain the dominant political force  of Japan in the foreseeable future.

Party democracy and its enemies: Italy, 1945–1992

2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 220-233
Author(s):  
Giovanni Orsina
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Participatory Democracy ◽  
Political Instability ◽  
Early Years ◽  
Significant Source ◽  
The Political ◽  
Quarter Century ◽  
Political Force ◽  
The Third

The gap between the narratives of democracy and the practices of power has been a significant source of delegitimation for the post-1945 Italian political system. The system was unable to achieve a solid and principled legitimation by meeting the requirements of a widely accepted and historically rooted notion of democracy, and had to resort to a fragile de facto legitimacy based on the absence of more desirable alternatives. This can partly account for the collapse of the Republican political system in 1992/1993 and the political instability of Italy in the last quarter century. The first section of the article presents the three most relevant narratives of democracy of the Republic’s early years: liberal, progressive, and participatory democracy. The second section argues that in the early 1960s, when the political system finally reached a reasonable level of stability, it was as an ‘Italian-style’ party democracy that did not fully meet the criteria of any of the three original narratives, which were in fact used to delegitimise it. By the late 1970s, all could see how dysfunctional party democracy was, and criticising it became a discursive resource that no political force could refrain from exploiting—including those who were in government. The third section considers how those critiques were inspired, yet again, by variations of the three original narratives. The epilogue throws a quick glance at the post-1994 period.

Effect of the political system on perinatal and neonatal care in Berlin between 1950 and 2010

2015 ◽  
Vol 219 (S 01) ◽  
Author(s):  
J Grünwald ◽  
M Beer ◽  
S Mamay ◽  
F Rupp ◽  
J Stupin ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Neonatal Care ◽  
The Political

Ein Ende mit Schrecken – Frankreich nach den Wahlen

2017 ◽  
Vol 47 (188) ◽  
pp. 495-504 ◽  
Author(s):  
Felix Syrovatka
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Political Support ◽  
The Political ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Economic Transformations ◽  
Crisis Of Representation ◽  
Election Results ◽  
Deep Crisis

The presidential and parliamentary elections were a political earthquake for the French political system. While the two big parties experienced massive losses of political support, the rise of new political formations took place. Emmanuel Macron is not only the youngest president of the V. Republic so far, he is also the first president not to be supported by either one of the two biggest parties. This article argues that the election results are an expression of a deep crisis of representation in France that is rooted in the economic transformations of the 1970s. The article analyses the political situation after the elections and tries to give an outlook on further political developments in France.

Islamic and Jewish Religious Feminists Tackle Islamic and Jewish Oral Law: Maintenance and Rebellion of Wives

2017 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-63
Author(s):  
Ruth Roded
Keyword(s):  
State Policy ◽  
Political System ◽  
Daily Life ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Jewish Law ◽  
Modern Times ◽  
Parallel Case ◽  
First Time

Beginning in the early 1970s, Jewish and Muslim feminists, tackled “oral law”—Mishna and Talmud, in Judaism, and the parallel Hadith and Fiqh in Islam, and several analogous methodologies were devised. A parallel case study of maintenance and rebellion of wives —mezonoteha, moredet al ba?ala; nafaqa al-mar?a and nush?z—in classical Jewish and Islamic oral law demonstrates similarities in content and discourse. Differences between the two, however, were found in the application of oral law to daily life, as reflected in “responsa”—piskei halacha and fatwas. In modern times, as the state became more involved in regulating maintenance and disobedience, and Jewish law was backed for the first time in history by a state, state policy and implementation were influenced by the political system and socioeconomic circumstances of the country. Despite their similar origin in oral law, maintenance and rebellion have divergent relevance to modern Jews and Muslims.

PRACTICAL BASE OF FORMULATING RETRAINING PROGRAMS ON ETHNIC MINORITY AFFAIRS KNOWLEDGE FOR CADRES, CIVIL SERVANTS UP TO 2030

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nguyen Van Dung ◽  
Giang Khac Binh
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Minority ◽  
Training Program ◽  
Political System ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Training Programs ◽  
Civil Servants ◽  
The Political ◽  
Target Groups ◽  
The Core ◽  
The Past

As developing programs is the core in fostering knowledge on ethnic work for cadres and civil servants under Decision No. 402/QD-TTg dated 14/3/2016 of the Prime Minister, it is urgent to build training program on ethnic minority affairs for 04 target groups in the political system from central to local by 2020 with a vision to 2030. The article highlighted basic issues of practical basis to design training program of ethnic minority affairs in the past years; suggested solutions to build the training programs in integration and globalization period.

Challenges of the parliamentary system in Iraq after 2003

2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (10) ◽  
pp. 101
Author(s):  
Emad Wakaa Ajil
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Separation Of Powers ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The United States ◽  
Arab Countries ◽  
The Political ◽  
Parliamentary System ◽  
Political Transformations ◽  
The Us ◽  
Long Time

Iraq is one of the most Arab countries where the system of government has undergone major political transformations and violent events since the emergence of the modern Iraqi state in 1921 and up to the present. It began with the monarchy and the transformation of the regime into the republican system in 1958. In the republican system, Continued until 2003, and after the US occupation of Iraq in 2003, the regime changed from presidential to parliamentary system, and the parliamentary experience is a modern experience for Iraq, as he lived for a long time without parliamentary experience, what existed before 2003, can not be a parliamentary experience , The experience righteousness The study of the parliamentary system in particular and the political process in general has not been easy, because it is a complex and complex process that concerns the political system and its internal and external environment, both of which are influential in the political system and thus on the political process as a whole, After the US occupation of Iraq, the United States intervened to establish a permanent constitution for the country. Despite all the circumstances accompanying the drafting of the constitution, it is the first constitution to be drafted by an elected Constituent Assembly. The Iraqi Constitution adopted the parliamentary system of government and approved the principle of flexible separation of powers in order to achieve cooperation and balance between the authorities.

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