The State

Author(s):  
David Gutman
Keyword(s):  

This chapter explores the efforts of the Ottoman state to enforce the ban on Armenian migration to North America. It demonstrates the many dynamics frustrating Istanbul’s efforts to implement the ban from outright corruption to internecine squabbles between officials stationed throughout the empire’s vast holdings. The Chapter provides a window into the innerworkings of the Ottoman bureaucracy and the often competing and contradictory interests of the people who comprised it.

2005 ◽  
Vol 34 ◽  
pp. 53-60
Author(s):  
Eileen M. Antone

AbstractSince humanities arise from a specific place and from the people of that place, this article will focus on Peacemaker’s revolutionary teachings about the seed of law. Long before the people from across the ocean arrived here on Turtle Island (North America) there was much warfare happening. According to John Mohawk (2001, para. 1), an Iroquoian social historian, “[t]he people had been at war for so long that some were born knowing they had enemies [but] not knowing why they had enemies”. Peacemaker planted the seeds of peace which resulted in the Kayenla’kowa, the Great Law of Peace (n. d.), which is the basis of the Hotinosh^ni Confederacy. With the burial of the weapons of war under the Great Tree of Peace the Hotinosh^ni were able to develop their rituals and ceremonies to reflect their relationship with creation. This peaceful confederacy was disrupted shortly after the Europeans arrived with their violent imperialistic ways of life. The 1996 Royal Commission on Aboriginal People (RCAP) documented the situation of Aboriginal communities, which was the result of oppressive policies and programs of colonialism. The RCAP also captured the many different voices of the Aboriginal people in their struggle to revitalise their traditional teachings that will make them strong again.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-18
Author(s):  
Krista A. Goff

This chapter seeks to explain why history writing about nontitular minorities in the Soviet Union and in Azerbaijan has proven to be problematic. It looks at the variety of nontitular communities that live in Azerbaijan and the many ethnic conflicts that emerged during its transition to independence in the late 1980s and early 1990s. It also focuses on the state structures and the people living within Soviet Union and Azerbaijan, as well as their geographical range that intersects with the history of Iran, Turkey, and neighboring republics in the Soviet Caucasus. The chapter describes a regional world that extended beyond Soviet borders and argues that uncovering nontitular histories helps to better understand both Soviet and post-Soviet ethnic conflicts. It mentions the Soviet state that supported the development of minorities to counter the colonial legacy of Great Russian chauvinism.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
G. R. Evans

Throughout the nineteenth century the relationship between the State and the Established Church of England engaged Parliament, the Church, the courts and – to an increasing degree – the people. During this period, the spectre of Disestablishment periodically loomed over these debates, in the cause – as Trollope put it – of 'the renewal of inquiry as to the connection which exists between the Crown and the Mitre'. As our own twenty-first century gathers pace, Disestablishment has still not materialised: though a very different kind of dynamic between Church and State has anyway come into being in England. Professor Evans here tells the stories of the controversies which have made such change possible – including the revival of Convocation, the Church's own parliament – as well as the many memorable characters involved. The author's lively narrative includes much valuable material about key areas of ecclesiastical law that is of relevance to the future Church of England.


Author(s):  
Joseph Chan

Confucianism is a tradition of ethical and political thought in which ethics and politics are tightly connected. Confucianism endorses a politics of virtue that can be understood in two ways. First, politics in Confucianism aims to promote certain virtues and social relationships it defines as good; second, Confucianism conceives that politics can be successful only if the people in power are virtuous. Confucian political philosophy is therefore a kind of perfectionism which says that the state should promote the good life, and it is therefore directly opposed to the contemporary liberal view that the state and its officials should take no stance regarding what constitutes the good life. This entry introduces the Confucian vision of politics and explores its implications for three issues, namely: the source of political authority, the scope of people’s rights and liberties, and the responsibilities of the state towards its people’s welfare. The politics of virtue as conceived in Confucianism naturally tends to endorse rule by the wise instead of rule by the many; it tends to stress the need for people to cultivate virtues rather than to enjoy rights and liberties; and it sees people’s care for the poor and needy as stemming from virtues or duties rather than imperatives of social equality or justice. Despite this natural tendency, however, it is not obvious that the politics of virtue leaves no room for democracy, rights, and egalitarian justice. Indeed some commentators have argued that a number of these liberal-democratic ideas are either present in Confucianism or consistent with its central tenets. It is arguable that classical Confucian texts do not contain any ideas of democracy, human rights, or egalitarian justice, but do leave room for endorsement of the first two ideals under certain circumstances.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (01) ◽  
pp. 19
Author(s):  
Rudi Santoso ◽  
Agus Hermanto

The many threats of radicalization in the middle of society, the demonstration actions that often ask for the application of certain ideologies within the state of Indonesia, the conflict between ethnic, religious, racial and custom makes the tranquility of Bhinneka Tunggal Ika society to be threatened and the erosion of values Pancasila among the younger generation that endanger the survival of the Indonesian nation.The problem of this research is how the Political Law of the State in the concept and context of Pancasila and Diversity in defending the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia and How the Strength of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia Based on Pancasila and Unity in Diversity and How Radicalism and Threat Against the Unity of the Unitary Republic State Indonesia.This research uses normative juridical approach method, then data collection procedure is done by literature study, data processing procedure is done by data classification, data inventory, systematization of data, and data analysis is done by qualitative method.The result of the research, the politics of constitutional law in the concept and context of Pancasila and Diversity in defending the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia in accordance with the nationalist ideology set forth in the 1945 Constitution, the power of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia based on Pancasila and Diversity is based on the strength of local wisdom from all elements of the nation Indonesia, radicalism and threats to the unity of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia through the strengthening of national insight among the younger generation and the people and leaders of the nation and state apparatus.Suggestion in this research, expected to government can reinforce study of nationality and education of Pancasila and Diversity, to Indonesian society.


2019 ◽  
Vol 118 (9) ◽  
pp. 230-244
Author(s):  
Daisy Rani Hazarika ◽  
Biman Lahkar

Restaurant business has been an integral part of any urban economy. Like in any other sector, women form a major portion of the workforce in this business also. Although women’s participation in restaurant business is not quite a recent phenomenon, yet the many facets of issues and challenges that women face in their workplaces still remains a problem that demands immediate solution. These issues and challenges however take various forms and may vary depending upon the variability of the place, culture or nature. Using various qualitative techniques, this paper attempts to explore the status and challenges women table servers experience in restaurants that are located in an emerging city. Dibrugarh, in the state of Assam, is an emerging city located in the North East of India. Added to the intricacies of an emerging city, Dibrugarh also has its own uniqueness of nature, culture and society, which adds to the complexities of a city in formation. In such a scenario, it also becomes pertinent to examine the perception of the people of the city on women table servers who are on a mission to be independent and self reliant. This paper finds that women, braving many issues and challenges, are slowly but steadily curving a niche for themselves in restaurant business in this part of the country.   


2016 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 352-366 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bruce Baugh

In Bergsonism, Deleuze refers to Bergson's concept of an ‘open society’, which would be a ‘society of creators’ who gain access to the ‘open creative totality’ through acting and creating. Deleuze and Guattari's political philosophy is oriented toward the goal of such an open society. This would be a democracy, but not in the sense of the rule of the actually existing people, but the rule of ‘the people to come,’ for in the actually existing situation, such a people is ‘lacking’. When the people becomes a society of creators, the result is a society open to the future, creativity and the new. Their openness and creative freedom is the polar opposite of the conformism and ‘herd mentality’ condemned by Deleuze and Nietzsche, a mentality which is the basis of all narrow nationalisms (of ethnicity, race, religion and creed). It is the freedom of creating and commanding, not the Kantian freedom to obey Reason and the State. This paper uses Bergson's The Two Sources of Morality and Religion, and Deleuze and Guattari's Kafka: For a Minor Literature, A Thousand Plateaus and What is Philosophy? to sketch Deleuze and Guattari's conception of the open society and of a democracy that remains ‘to come’.


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 101-115
Author(s):  
Munawir Munawir

Non-Muslim leadership becomes a problematic issue in the context of inter-religious relations in Indonesia, especially for Muslims in conducting religious-social-political relations with non- Muslims. The problematic position of this non-Muslim leadership issue is the state constitution allows but the religious constitution (based on the textuality of the Qur'an) forbids. How does M. Quraish Shihab respond as well as answer the problematic of the people in the case? It is this core issue that will be tested by the answer through this research. Using the descriptive-inferential method and the philosophical-historical approach (philosophical and historical approach), the conclusion that M. Quraish Shihab in interpreting the verses (ban) of non-Muslim leadership (Surat al-Maidah: 51, QS Ali 'Imran: 28, and QS al-Mumtahanah: 1) is contextual, or in other words, the verses are understood to be sociological and not theological. Therefore he allows non-Muslim leadership as long as the non-Muslims are not of a hostile group of Islam, even he does not allow the leadership of a Muslim if a Muslim is actually injurious Islam and harms the interests of Muslims.


2018 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 313-328
Author(s):  
Fathul Aminudin Aziz

Fines are sanctions or punishments that are applied in the form of the obligation to pay a sum of money imposed on the denial of a number of agreements previously agreed upon. There is debate over the status of fines in Islamic law. Some argue that fines may not be used, and some argue that they may be used. In the context of fines for delays in payment of taxes, in fiqh law it can be analogous to ta'zir bi al-tamlīk (punishment for ownership). This can be justified if the tax obligations have met the requirements. Whereas according to Islamic teachings, fines can be categorized as acts in order to obey government orders as taught in the hadith, and in order to contribute to the realization of mutual benefit in the life of the state. As for the amount of the fine, the government cannot arbitrarily determine fines that are too large to burden the people. Penalties are applied as a message of reprimand and as a means to cover the lack of the state budget.


CORAK ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nofi Rahmanita

The Handicraft of embroidery “palaminan” in Nareh Pariaman is an old culture product which is used for social purposes. As the time goes, now, the “palaminan” is not only used by the king or noblesse. Right now, it has been used in mostly wedding parties of Minangkabau tradition. It is used as the seat of the bride groom and bride who are called king and queen for a day. Regarding this theme, when we see the several various of palaminan, it looks like been influenced by the Chinese and Hindi/Gujarat Custom. Such as phoenix 9(bird) and lion decorated at the “palaminan”, or for the Gujarat custom, there are embroidery with mirrors that decorate the palaminan. The mirror embroidered for the people of Nareh Pariaman has the meaning “suluah bendang” in the village. The art of embroidery palaminan Nareh Pariaman has many structures which are connected to each other. They can not be separated in each use. The structures are decorated by the many kinds of Minangkabau decoration. Most of the decorating comes from application of the Minangkabau’sphilosophy known as “alam takambang Jadi Guru”. The philosophy has symbolic meaning that contains some lessons about managing humans life, especially for people of Nareh Pariaman.Keywords: beyond culture, motif, pelaminan


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document