scholarly journals WILLIAM HUNTER AND CAPTAIN COOK The 18th Century Ethnographical Collection in the Hunterian Museum

1985 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-18 ◽  
Author(s):  
E W MacKie
Keyword(s):  
New Zealand ◽  
North America ◽  
Direct Evidence ◽  
18Th Century ◽  
Aboriginal Peoples ◽  
Stone Age ◽  
James Cook ◽  
The Pacific ◽  
First Contact ◽  
William Hunter

Summary ‘First contact’ artefacts collected from aboriginal peoples by the early European explorers are now valuable in providing the only direct evidence for recent ‘Stone Age’ technologies which no longer exist. During the J770's Dr William Hunter collected many such artefacts for his private museum; most originated in the Pacific and in North America and had been collected by people who sailed with Captain James Cook. Since 1978 it has been possible to re-identify most of this early ethnographical material and to separate itfrom later acquisitions. To emphasise the archaeological relevance of this examples are described here from 18th century hunter-gatherer peoples (the Indians of Tierra delFuego, theNootka of British Columbia and the Eskimos of Alaska) and from stone-using farmers (the Maoris of New Zealand and the islanders of Hawaii). A list of the surviving early collection is given in microfiche.

Return of the Traveler

2020 ◽  
pp. 215-237
Author(s):  
Kate Fullagar
Keyword(s):  
New Zealand ◽  
British Government ◽  
James Cook ◽  
Indigenous Groups ◽  
The Pacific

The final chapter traces Mai’s voyage back from Britain to the Pacific. This voyage was arranged by the British government and led, again, by James Cook. Mai experiences various adventures during the voyage, including some altercations with different indigenous groups. In New Zealand, Mai secures two Maori boys to join him as servants. His arrival on Tahiti proves moving for Islanders and British alike. Here Mai reunites with a sister and an aunt, wrangles with a chief, and acquires a large canoe. Mai expects to be deposited back on Ra‘iatea, but Cook at the last minute decides against it, fearing Islander conflagration, and takes him to Huahine instead. Disappointed, Mai is at least gratified to have Cook’s men build him a house. In many ways, Mai’s plotline is the most tragic of the three characters: he begins as a refugee from his own society and never fulfils his dream of restitution. Even so, Mai offers at least one small twist to the old tale—European empire never steals the limelight in his story; instead, Mai turns the tables by employing European empire, almost entirely on his own terms, to seek his ultimate end.

New Zealand exports: Pseudosphaeroma Chilton, 1909 (Isopoda: Sphaeromatidae), a Southern Hemisphere genus introduced to the Pacific coast of North America

Zootaxa ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 1908 (1) ◽  
pp. 51-56 ◽  
Author(s):  
NIEL L. BRUCE ◽  
REGINA WETZER
Keyword(s):  
New Zealand ◽  
North America ◽  
Southern Hemisphere ◽  
San Francisco ◽  
Coastal Waters ◽  
Pacific Coast ◽  
First Record ◽  
The Pacific ◽  
First Time ◽  
Coast Region

Collections made along the coast of California have revealed the presence of a species of Pseudosphaeroma Chilton, 1909, a genus common in New Zealand coastal waters. The genus is entirely Southern Hemisphere in distribution, and this record reports the introduction of a species of Pseudosphaeroma into the San Francisco and Central Coast region of California, the first reported occurrence of the genus as an invasive taxon, and the first record of the genus from the Northern Hemisphere. The genus is also recorded for the first time from the Galapagos and Argentina.

scholarly journals A entrada na Europa e a expansão inicial do eucalipto em Portugal Continental

2019 ◽  
Vol 20 ◽  
pp. 8-27
Author(s):  
João Paulo Cabral
Keyword(s):  
Eucalyptus Globulus ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
18Th Century ◽  
Botanical Garden ◽  
James Cook ◽  
The Pacific ◽  
Late 18Th Century ◽  
French And English ◽  
Therapeutic Properties ◽  
Genus Eucalyptus

Resumo As primeiras observações e recolhas de eucaliptos ocorreram nas grandes viagens inglesas e francesas ao Pacífico, em particular à Austrália, em finais do século XVIII. O género Eucalyptus L'Hér. foi estabelecido em 1788, e logo nas duas décadas seguintes seriam descritas, por botânicos franceses e ingleses, muitas espécies novas. O primeiro eucalipto cultivado em Inglaterra foi trazido, em 1774, na segunda viagem de James Cook. Em França, a introdução terá sido feita em 1804, no Jardim Botânico de Montpellier, na Alemanha em 1809, no Jardim Botânico de Berlim, e em Itália, em 1813, no Jardim Botânico de Nápoles. Em Portugal, a introdução do eucalipto foi muito posterior a estas datas. Na propriedade do duque de Palmela no Lumiar, foram plantados dois eucaliptos em 1850-1852. No Horto Botânico da Escola Médico-Cirúrgica de Lisboa, existia em 1852, pelo menos um espécimen, certamente para uso ou demonstração das suas propriedades terapêuticas. A partir da década de 1860, a expansão foi muito rápida. Em 1869, a companhia real dos caminhos-de-ferro portugueses iniciou a plantação de eucaliptos nas estações, casas de guarda e ao longo da via-férrea. As primeiras plantações em larga escala terão ocorrido na década de 1880 em propriedades perto de Abrantes arrendadas por William T. Tait. Em 1886 estavam já plantados 150 mil eucaliptos. Nesta mesma década começou a plantação, em escala apreciável, de eucaliptos nas Matas Nacionais. Em finais do século XX, tinham sido introduzidas em Portugal cerca de 250 espécies, sendo o Eucalyptus globulus Labill., a espécie largamente dominante. É interessante constatar que tendo sido um dos países europeus que mais tarde introduziu a cultura do eucalipto, Portugal é hoje, a nível mundial, um dos que apresenta maior percentagem da sua área florestal dedicada a esta cultura.Palavras-chave: eucalipto; jardins botânicos; Portugal. Abstract The earliest observations and collections of eucalypts occurred on the great English and French voyages to the Pacific, particularly Australia, in the late 18th century. The genus Eucalyptus L'Hér. was described in 1788, and soon in the following two decades, many species would be described by French and English botanists. The first eucalypt grown in England was brought in 1774 on James Cook's second voyage. In France, the introduction seems to have occurred in 1804, at the Botanical Garden of Montpellier, in Germany in 1809, at the Botanical Garden of Berlin, and in Italy, in 1813, at the Botanical Garden of Naples. In Portugal, the introduction of eucalypts was much later than these dates. In the property of the Duke of Palmela in Lumiar, two eucalypts were planted in 1850-1852. The Botanical Garden of the Medical-Surgical School of Lisbon had in 1852, at least one specimen, certainly for use or demonstration of its therapeutic properties. From the 1860s the expansion was very rapid. In 1869, the royal company of the Portuguese railways began planting eucalypts in the stations, guard houses and along the railroad. The first large-scale plantations occurred in the 1880s in properties near Abrantes leased by William T. Tait. By 1886, 150,000 eucalypts were already planted. In the same decade began the planting, on an appreciable scale, of eucalypts in “Matas Nacionais”. By the end of the 20th century about 250 species had been introduced in Portugal, being Eucalyptus globulus Labill., the species largely dominant. It is interesting to note that Portugal, one of the European countries that later introduced the eucalypt, is today, worldwide, one of the countries with the highest percentage of its forest area dedicated to this culture. Keywords: eucalypt; botanical gardens; Portugal.

Piracy in Colonial North America

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark G. Hanna
Keyword(s):  
North America ◽  
New England ◽  
North American ◽  
18Th Century ◽  
Historical Narrative ◽  
British North America ◽  
American Colonies ◽  
The North ◽  
The Pacific ◽  
British North American

Historians of colonial British North America have largely relegated piracy to the marginalia of the broad historical narrative from settlement to revolution. However, piracy and unregulated privateering played a pivotal role in the development of every English community along the eastern seaboard from the Carolinas to New England. Although many pirates originated in the British North American colonies and represented a diverse social spectrum, they were not supported and protected in these port communities by some underclass or proto-proletariat but by the highest echelons of colonial society, especially by colonial governors, merchants, and even ministers. Sea marauding in its multiple forms helped shape the economic, legal, political, religious, and cultural worlds of colonial America. The illicit market that brought longed-for bullion, slaves, and luxury goods integrated British North American communities with the Caribbean, West Africa, and the Pacific and Indian Oceans throughout the 17th century. Attempts to curb the support of sea marauding at the turn of the 18th century exposed sometimes violent divisions between local merchant interests and royal officials currying favor back in England, leading to debates over the protection of English liberties across the Atlantic. When the North American colonies finally closed their ports to English pirates during the years following the Treaty of Utrecht (1713), it sparked a brief yet dramatic turn of events where English marauders preyed upon the shipping belonging to their former “nests.” During the 18th century, colonial communities began to actively support a more regulated form of privateering against agreed upon enemies that would become a hallmark of patriot maritime warfare during the American Revolution.

scholarly journals 'Of Red War and Little Else': European Responses to Indigenous Violence in the Tasman World, c.1769-1850s

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Samuel Gordon Gardiner Ritchie
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
New Zealand ◽  
Indigenous Peoples ◽  
Gender Violence ◽  
Aboriginal Peoples ◽  
Temporal Isolation ◽  
Aboriginal Australia ◽  
Comparative Framework ◽  
Time Period ◽  
First Contact

<p>Europeans responded to indigenous internecine violence in a variety of ways in the Tasman world from first contact to the middle of the nineteenth century. Whereas extant historiography has previously addressed European responses to Māori and Aboriginal violence in geographic and temporal isolation, a comparison spanning time and space augments knowledge of these responses. Violence was not the only aspect of indigenous societies Europeans responded to, nor was indigenous violence the only justification for colonisation. However an investigation of the ways in which Europeans represented and responded to indigenous violence enables a better understanding of the processes of the colonisation of the Tasman world.  Indigenous internecine violence included cannibalism, infanticide, inter-gender violence, and inter-tribal warfare. Through a wide variety of European observations of this violence, this thesis identifies an initial conceptualisation of both New Zealand Māori and Aboriginal peoples of Australia as violent, cannibal ‘savages’. This conceptualisation was used to justify both colonisation and the related evangelical and colonial administrative attempts to suppress indigenous violence, as internecine violence was deemed ‘un-civilised’, unchristian, and unacceptable. Europeans attempted to suppress indigenous violence as it was seen both as an impediment to colonisation and, relatedly, as an inhibitor to the ‘redemption’ of indigenous peoples. While indigenous violence was seen as a barrier to colonisation, however, it was also simultaneously used to promote colonisation. Thus the attempted suppression of indigenous violence developed into the European mobilisation and utilisation of intra-Māori and intra-Aboriginal violence in the promotion of colonisation.  The development of European responses to indigenous internecine violence – from conceptualisations, through attempted suppression, to utilisation – is here examined in a Tasman-world context, drawing upon the interactions between these varied responses. In tracing this development within a comparative framework, both indigenous agency and a rejection of the historiographically persistent notions of a homogenous (and harmonious) Aboriginal Australia and a homogenous Māori people during this time period are key threads.</p>

scholarly journals 'Of Red War and Little Else': European Responses to Indigenous Violence in the Tasman World, c.1769-1850s

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Samuel Gordon Gardiner Ritchie
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
New Zealand ◽  
Indigenous Peoples ◽  
Gender Violence ◽  
Aboriginal Peoples ◽  
Temporal Isolation ◽  
Aboriginal Australia ◽  
Comparative Framework ◽  
Time Period ◽  
First Contact

<p>Europeans responded to indigenous internecine violence in a variety of ways in the Tasman world from first contact to the middle of the nineteenth century. Whereas extant historiography has previously addressed European responses to Māori and Aboriginal violence in geographic and temporal isolation, a comparison spanning time and space augments knowledge of these responses. Violence was not the only aspect of indigenous societies Europeans responded to, nor was indigenous violence the only justification for colonisation. However an investigation of the ways in which Europeans represented and responded to indigenous violence enables a better understanding of the processes of the colonisation of the Tasman world.  Indigenous internecine violence included cannibalism, infanticide, inter-gender violence, and inter-tribal warfare. Through a wide variety of European observations of this violence, this thesis identifies an initial conceptualisation of both New Zealand Māori and Aboriginal peoples of Australia as violent, cannibal ‘savages’. This conceptualisation was used to justify both colonisation and the related evangelical and colonial administrative attempts to suppress indigenous violence, as internecine violence was deemed ‘un-civilised’, unchristian, and unacceptable. Europeans attempted to suppress indigenous violence as it was seen both as an impediment to colonisation and, relatedly, as an inhibitor to the ‘redemption’ of indigenous peoples. While indigenous violence was seen as a barrier to colonisation, however, it was also simultaneously used to promote colonisation. Thus the attempted suppression of indigenous violence developed into the European mobilisation and utilisation of intra-Māori and intra-Aboriginal violence in the promotion of colonisation.  The development of European responses to indigenous internecine violence – from conceptualisations, through attempted suppression, to utilisation – is here examined in a Tasman-world context, drawing upon the interactions between these varied responses. In tracing this development within a comparative framework, both indigenous agency and a rejection of the historiographically persistent notions of a homogenous (and harmonious) Aboriginal Australia and a homogenous Māori people during this time period are key threads.</p>

Conservation of relict potato Solanum tuberosum cultivars within Maori communities in New Zealand

2001 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 204
Author(s):  
Graham Harris
Keyword(s):  
Solanum Tuberosum ◽  
New Zealand ◽  
19Th Century ◽  
Ipomoea Batatas ◽  
Biological Diversity ◽  
18Th Century ◽  
Ethnobotanical Study ◽  
James Cook ◽  
Late 18Th Century ◽  
The 19Th Century

It is generally accepted by scholars that potatoes were first introduced to New Zealand in the late 18th century by Captain James Cook and the French explorer, Marion du Fresne. Further introductions of potatoes from a variety of sources including possible direct introductions from South America, followed into the 19th century. Maori were quick to recognize the advantages that these new introductions had over their traditional food crops including kumara (sweet potato) Ipomoea batatas and Taro Colocasia esculentum both of which they introduced from east Polynesia some 800-100 years previously. Potatoes soon became a staple item in the Maori diet and an important trade commodity and by the mid-19th century they were growing thousands of hectares of potatoes for that purpose. The various cultivars that were introduced were given Maori names and many of these early types are still grown by Maori, having been passed down through families for many generations. With their deep set eyes, often knobbly irregular shape, "open" leaves and colourful tubers these "Maori Potatoes" are quite distinctive in appearance from modern potatoes and some retain many of the features of Solanum tuberosum subsp. andigena types. This paper discusses the adoption of the potato by Maori, the effects it had on Maori society and the perpetuation of the early cultivars within Maori families and communities. This examination of an introduced crop plant and its intersection with an indigenous people is essentially an ethnobotanical study which in addition to its botanical and anthropological foci includes elements of Matauranga Maori (traditional Maori knowledge) history, geography and horticulture. The preservation of these old potato cultivars by generations of Maori people has made a valuable contribution to conservation of biological diversity.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document