Tolkien’s Shire: The Ideal of a Conservative-Anarchist Distributist Governance

2013 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-53
Author(s):  
Yannick Imbert

This article seeks to explores the political significance of Tolkien’s Shire through consideration of both his works and his historical background. Even though the nature of politics in The Lord of the Rings has already been much discussed, there is, given the scarcity of Tolkien’s political references, further investigation is still needed. In a first part, this article will look at the interaction of Tolkien and the “movement” known as Tory anarchism. This article’s thesis is that this particular species of anarchy was an immediate background to Tolkien’s political views represented in his writings, especially in his mythological corpus as well as in his shorter stories—as in Farmer Giles of Ham. In a second part, this article investigate the meaning of Tolkien’s self-described attachment to “unconstitutional monarchy.” Here, comparison with the Shire’s political structure will be instructive, as will be the influences of Chesterton and Belloc’s political philosophy. In this regard, their work The Party System, is of special significance. In conclusion, this article will defend that Tolkien’s Shire is best seen as a Distributist conservative anarchy.

Elenchos ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 38 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 151-177
Author(s):  
Michael Schramm

Abstract This paper argues that Synesios’ De regno is a mirror for princes and a splendid example of Neoplatonic political philosophy. It is based on Plato’s Politeia and its model of philosopher-kingship. Synesios makes his audience compare the current political reality with the ideal of the philosopher-kings, who are the image of the transcendent god in the political realm. In doing so he recommends political virtue in general, especially phronesis and sophrosyne. Particularly he argues for reforming the recruitment of military and civil officials with reference to Plato’s concept of friendship in the Politeia.


Rechtsidee ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Barameeboon Sangchan

Following the referendum on the draft Constitution of the Kingdom of Thailand B.E. which was held on 7 August 2016, it revealed that most voters approved this draft constitution. Nevertheless, in this study of Samsen Community’s people who voted, they have their opinions about the political structure which are; Thailand is ready for the 2-party system, the qualification of the candidate should be graduated with a bachelor’s degree, and the head of the government should come from the party with a majority vote. Additionally, they disagree about the prime minister who comes from the senator’s nomination, and the senator should not have the authority of controlling the independent entity.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 23
Author(s):  
Zuhdi Arman

Amendment Act of 1945 that occurred in the era of reform based on a commitment to reinforce the Presidential system. In contrast, multi-party system in combination with the current presidential system of government is to encourage parties to form a coalition that actually weakens the presidential system itself. Practices in Indonesian coalition formed before the general election of President and Vice President dominated political dealings regarding the division of public office without the formulation of a common platform. In fact, the coalition was formed not ensure that parties who are members of the coalition that has a representative in the legislature will always support government programs. Therefore, this study aimed to understand the application of multi-party system in the Presidential system of government in Indonesia in the reform era at once formulate implications for the executive and legislative relations and the implementation of the ideal. This type of research can be can be classified into types of normative juridical research, because it makes the literature as the main focus. Source of data used,the primary legal materials,secondary law, and tertiary legal materials. Data collection techniques in thisstudy using the method of literature study. The results showed that the application of multi-party system in the Presidential system of government actually weaken the presidential system and have implications for the executive and legislative relations. Three things that the implications are; First, the number of political parties' interests that conflict with government policy. Second, the absence of permanent coalition arrangement. Third, the weak position of President. Ideally the implementation of a multi-party system, in order to create stability in the Indonesian presidential system of government, then there are three (3) things that need to be addressed in our Presidential system, namely: First, the simplification of the political parties, the second, setting the coalition remains, and the third, the strengthening of institutional design presidency. The author suggests needed coalition of political parties that are permanently defined by the rules of Law clearer so that it will produce a strong and efficient government.


2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 103
Author(s):  
Marhaban Marhaban

This article describes the political philosophy of Ali Hasjmy in formulating the ideal Islamic state. Hasjmy is an intellectual who has produced many works in the topics of politics, literature, and culture that are very useful for the progress and welfare of the Acehnese people and the Indonesian nation in general. The main source of this research is the work and writings of Hasjmy which are directly oriented to politics and the concept of the state. By using analytical content, this article shows several premises on Hasjmy’s utopian visions, which are; First, Muslims should not be anti-politics due to its important in achieving the benefit of the people; Second, the existence of a Islamic state as mandatory; Third, an Islamic state does not have to exist constitutionally but what must exist as Islamic values in a state; Fourth, the importance of obeying the leader; Fifth, every official or government element is responsible for exercising power.


Problemos ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 98 ◽  
pp. 94-106
Author(s):  
Jūratė Baranova

The article starts with the question: how is the political philosophy of Friedrich Nietzsche even possible? The author discusses with Tracy B. Strong’s presumption that Nietzsche’s political philosophy is not possible as a transcendental deduction. The author supposes that this type of question clashes with the premises of Nietzsche’s thinking and also undermines the interpretation of the other aspects of his philosophy. First of all: the question of nazification and denazification of Nietzsche’s thought. The article comes to the conclusion that in the scope of recent investigation there is not much sense in raising the question whether Nietzsche’s political views are political philosophy in the normative meaning of the term, but it is possible to discuss the question of political anthropology as the psychology of the nations Nietzsche was really interested in.


2019 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 109-128
Author(s):  
Krzysztof Brzechczyn

The purpose of this paper is an interpretation of the social and political thought of the Solidarity movement in the light of the political philosophy of communitarianism. In the first part of the paper, the controversies between liberalism and communitarianism are characterized in order to outline the communitarian response toward the authoritarian/totalitarian challenge. In the second part, the programme of a self-governing republic created by Solidarity is interpreted in the spirit of communitarianism. I reconstruct the ideal vision of human being expressed in of ficial trade union’s documents and essays of Solidarity’s advisers e.g., Stefan Kurowski and Jozef Tischner, and the efforts of the movement for telling the truth about history and its vision of Polish history. Also, I interpret the programme of Self-Governing Republic adopted during the First National Convention of Delegates of Solidarity. In these programmatic documents of Solidarity, one may find ideas characteristic both of the communitarian and liberal political philosophy. However, the liberal ones—including, primarily, the guarantee of human and citizens’ rights, and of individual liberties—were subordinated to the postulate of reconstructing the national and social community. In the course of transformation after 1989, these communitarian elements of Solidarity programme, incompatible with liberal ideological agenda, have been erased.


KÜLÖNBSÉG ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nikoletta Hendrik

The paper investigates changing ideals of stoicism from the perspective of political philosophy. In the early stoa, the sage was idealized, while in the middle and late period, the ideal of the prokopton became the centre of philosophical attention. In the argument I distinguish between two political models. In one of the models, sages have an actual role, while in the other they do not. In the second model it is only the ideal of the sage that helps create and maintain the political system most in harmony with natural law.


Kant-Studien ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 109 (4) ◽  
pp. 557-580 ◽  
Author(s):  
Macarena Marey

Abstract In this paper, I examine Kant’s reception of and solution to the problem of the unity of the political will. I propose that Kant distances himself from the modern paradigmatic foundations of sovereignty principally with his theses of the ideality of the general will (section II) and of the apriority of the justification of popular sovereignty (section III). My interpretative hypothesis is that Kant solves the problem by grounding sovereignty in a conceptual element which is new in the history of political philosophy, i. e. the a priori unified omnilateral will. In section IV, I explain why my reading of the ideality of the general will can respond to seemingly plausible objections arising from Kant’s own texts and how it works in the face of concrete political states of affairs.


1983 ◽  
Vol 45 (4) ◽  
pp. 483-509 ◽  
Author(s):  
George Klosko

One reason the political theory of Plato's Republic is widely misunderstood is that its precise relationship to the political content of the early dialogues is not generally recognized. That the political views of the Republic are frequently misconstrued seems apparent. In recent years many scholars have argued that the ideal state put forward in the work is completely “utopian.” This word is used in different senses, but the sense I will concentrate on in this paper is its bearing upon questions of political reform. As I use the term, a “utopian” political theory contains proposals that are not intended to be taken seriously in terms of political reform. When I say that the ideal state discussed in the Republic is not “utopian” as these scholars maintain, I mean that Plato designed it with political reform in mind, and that he thought seriously about how to bring it into existence. This does not, however, imply that the ideal state is likely to be realized, or that Plato ever thought it was, but only that Plato wished to bring it into existence and thought this was possible, should extraordinary good fortune bring the necessary conditions into existence.


2017 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Giorgio Baruchello

Starting with a prescient 1998 quote on the impending decline of US liberal democracy into right-wing, strong-man-based demagogy, this paper outlines Richard Rorty’s political philosophy, which I believe can help us understand perplexing political trends in today’s political reality well beyond the US alone. Specifically, I tackle three key-terms encapsulating the thrust of Rorty’s political philosophy, i.e. “liberalism of fear”, “bourgeois” and “postmodernism”. Also, I address a contraposition that explains how Rorty would approach and attempt to defend liberal democracy from contemporary right-wing, strong-man-based degenerations, namely the priority of “poetry” over “philosophy”. Essentially, if one wishes to win in the political arena, she must be armed with the most effective rhetorical weaponry, however good, solid and well-argued her political views may be. Finally, some remarks are offered on the role that “philosophy” can still play within the same arena.


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