PATRICK MACGILL AND THE MAKING OF A HISTORICAL SOURCE: WITH A HANDLIST OF HIS WORKS.

1986 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 73-99 ◽  
Author(s):  
Owen Dudley Edwards

Patrick MacGill was born at Glenties, a little village in one of the wildest districts of Donegal on the north coast of Ireland, twenty-one years ago. The eldest of a family of ten, he had to go out into the world at a very early age and begin his fight in the great battle of life. When twelve years old he was engaged as a farm hand in the Irish Midlands, where his day's work began at five o'clock in the morning and went on till eleven at night through summer and winter. It was a man's work with a boy's pay. At fourteen, seeking newer fields, he crossed from 'Derry to Scotland; and there for seven years was either a farm hand, drainer, tramp, hammer-man, navvy, plate-layer or wrestler. During all these years he devoted part of his spare time to reading, and found relief from the drag of the twelve-hour shift in the companionship of books. At nineteen he published 'Gleanings from a Navvy's Scrapbook', and in September, 1911, left the service of the Caledonian Railway Company at Greenock and came to London. In the following year he relinquished his post with the newspaper, and published 'Songs of a Navvy'. This, as well as the former, being now out of print, he has put together some of the pieces out of either, re-written others, and added fresh ones to the same in the present 'Songs of the Dead End'. Windsor, July, 1912. J.N.D.

Author(s):  
Aji Setiawan ST

  أبستراك أڬاما إسلام تيداك ديلاهيركان دي إيندونيسييا, نامون جوسترو نيڬارا إينيلاه ياڠ ميميليكي ڤيندودوك مسليم ديڠان جملاه تيربيسار دي دونييا. باڬايماناكاه چارا أڬاما إيني ماسوك دان بيركيمبانڬ دي أنتارا سوكو دان بودايا ياڠ بيراڬام دي نوسانتارا؟ ڤارا ڤيداڬاڠ عراب ياڠ بيراسال داي سيمينانجوڠ عرابيا كي ڤيسيسير أوتارا سوماتيرا (أچيه) ڤادا أباد كي-٧ ماسيهي إيتو سيلإين بيرداڬاڠ ميريكا جوڬا مينجادي ڤيۑيبار أڬاما إسلام دان ميلاكوكان ڤيركاوينان ديڠان وانيتا سيتيمڤات. سيكاليڤون ڤيندودوك ڤريبومي بيلوم باۑاك ياڠ ميميلوك أڬاما إسلام, تاڤي كومونيتاس مسليم ڤيرتاما تيلاه تيربينتوك ياڠ تيرديري داري أوراڠ-أوراڠ عراب ڤينداتاڠ دان ڤيندودوك لوكال.سيڤيرتي ياڠ ديداڤاتكان ڤارا ڤيڠيلانا چينا دي ڤيسيسير أوتارا سوماتيرا (أچيه) دان كومونيتاس إسلام دي ويلاياه سريويجايا.   Abstrak Agama Islam tidak dilahirkan di Indonesia, namun justru negara inilah yang memiliki penduduk muslim dengan jumlah terbesar di dunia. Bagaimanakah cara agama ini masuk dan berkembang di antara suku dan budaya yang beragam di nusantara? Para pedagang Arab yang berasal dari semenanjung Arabia ke pesisir utara Sumatera (Aceh) pada Abad ke-7 Masehi itu selain berdagang mereka juga menjadi penyebar agama Islam dan melakukan perkawinan dengan wanita setempat. Sekalipun penduduk pribumi belum banyak yang memeluk agama Islam, tapi komunitas Muslim pertama telah terbentuk yang terdiri dari orang-orang Arab pendatang dan penduduk lokal, seperti yang didapatkan para pengelana Cina di pesisir utara Sumatera (Aceh) dan komunitas Islam di wilayah Sriwijaya.  Abstract Islam was not born in Indonesia, but it is this country which has the largest Muslim population in the world. How does this religion enter and develop among the various ethnic groups and cultures in the Nusantara ? Arab traders who came from the Arabian peninsula to the north coast of Sumatra (Aceh) in the 7th century AD, apart from trading, they also spread Islam and married local women. Although not many indigenous people have embraced Islam, the first Muslim community has been formed consisting of Arab immigrants and local residents, as found by Chinese travelers on the north coast of Sumatra (Aceh) and the Islamic community in the Sriwijaya region.


Impact! ◽  
1996 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gerrit L. Verschuur

When the Alvarez team announced to the world that the K/T boundary clay contained a excess of iridium they suggested that it could only be explained if a comet or asteroid had slammed into the earth 65 million years ago. The iridium was deposited when a cloud of debris created by the vaporization of the object upon impact girdled the earth and fell back to form the so-called fireball layer. Most earth scientists were skeptical when they first heard about this. If an object 10 kilometers across had collided with enough force to trigger a global environmental catastrophe that precipitated the extinction of more than half of the species alive at the time, where was the crater? It didn’t take crater experts long to figure that the scar left by such an impact should be huge hole in the ground about 180 kilometers across and a tenth as deep. If it existed, it shouldn’t be hard to find, unless it was under the ocean somewhere, or covered in vast amounts of sediment. It turns out that when the search for the crater began there were several people, perhaps dozens, who already knew where it was. However, they either didn’t know that the search was on, or weren’t allowed to reveal what they knew. The saga of the discovery of the K/T impact crater beneath the north coast of the Yucatan Peninsula of Mexico began many decades before the discovery of iridium in the K/T boundary layer. The saga goes all the way back to 1947 when a gravity survey was started in the Yucatan by the Mexican national oil company, PEMEX. Surface gravity measurements allow geophysicists to detect the structure of rock formations deep beneath the earth’s surface. The study of gravity maps of a region then helps the scientists to figure out where oil might be found; at least that is the goal. The Yucatan survey turned up some intriguing data, including hints of a circular feature some 1,000 meters deep. In the early 1950s test wells were drilled, but no oil was found.


2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (9) ◽  
pp. e1501623 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeffrey C. Splitstoser ◽  
Tom D. Dillehay ◽  
Jan Wouters ◽  
Ana Claro

Archaeological research has identified the use of cultivated cotton (Gossypium barbadense) in the ancient Andes dating back to at least 7800 years ago. Because of unusual circumstances of preservation, 6000-year-old cotton fabrics from the Preceramic site of Huaca Prieta on the north coast of Peru retained traces of a blue pigment that was analyzed and positively identified as an indigoid dye (indigotin), making it the earliest known use of indigo in the world, derived most likely from Indigofera spp. native to South America. This predates by ~1500 years the earliest reported use of indigo in the Old World, from Fifth Dynasty Egypt [ca. 4400 BP (before present)]. Indigo is one of the most valued and most globally widespread dyes of antiquity and of the present era (it being the blue of blue jeans).


Author(s):  
G. W. Bryan ◽  
G. W. Potts ◽  
G. R. Forster

Species of Haliotis are of economic importance in several countries around the world and the ormer Haliotis tuberculata (L.) is of importance in the Channel Islands off the north coast of France.


Author(s):  
Maria A. Ochir-Goryaeva ◽  

Introduction. Specialists dealing with the Pazyryk culture keep posing questions about its social structure. Traditionally, scholars ― with due account of outer parameters of kurgans, depths and areas of graves, numbers of buried horses, quantities and qualities of burial utensils ― have tended to identify three groups within the Pazyryk. Goals. The paper aims to analyze Pazyryk burial rites for social differences within the culture. Results. When it comes to social classifications, researchers usually form respective hypotheses on the bases of dimensional and quantitative properties of examined burial facilities. Still, the paper specifically focuses on positions of the buried and on how crouched their legs are. In common burials from minor kurgans, all bodies are placed lying on their right side with heads to the east (faces to the north), and with legs strongly doubled up, i.e. in crouched positions. In elite princely burials from large Pazyryk kurgans, bodies lie in similar positions ― on the left side with heads to the east ― but are stretched to their full heights with slightly bent legs. Conclusions. So, the buried elites can be imagined doing a ‘curtsy’ with legs ‘slightly bent in the knees’, while the commoners would be seen paying deep knee bends or even prostrating themselves. This feature was never viewed as essential since the stretched position matched the shape of coffins carved from single tree trunks. The work compares widths of coffins and heights of mummies to conclude that the stretched position was determined by rites rather than by shapes or sizes of the coffins. Proceeding from previous studies, the paper examines and interprets the discovered aspect in the context of Pazyryk burial rites and related ideas about the world of the dead.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 15-23
Author(s):  
Nirmaladevi P

It is mentioned that the epics should contain the four objectives worthy of human pursuit, namely, ‘aRam’ (ethics), ‘poruL’  (economy), ‘inpam’ (joy) and ‘viiDu’ (heaven). These four objectives are mentioned as ‘purusharthams’ in Sanskrit. Dharma, artha, kaama and moksha are the equivalents for aRam, poruL, inpam and viiDu. However, the concept of moksha is not found anywhere in the Sangam literature. It came into existence by the influence of Sanskrit and the literary writings of the northern writers. Raj Gowthaman is of the opinion that the ‘trivarkkam’ of the north tradition is called aRam, poruL and inpam in Tamil and the left out  ‘moksha’ in ‘chaturvitha purushartham’, i.e., the four objectives of human pursuit did not exist as ‘viiDu’ during Sangam period.   It could be said even clearly the concept of northern tradition based ‘moksha’ was not there with religious connotation in the Sangam society. Rebirth, heaven, elite, heavenly immortal, world of the dead,  world of deities-all are included in the poet’s poetic tradition’. Including the objectives of human pursuits in epics, a rule was set in the grammar. ‘Seera puranam’ talks about the first three objective of human pursuit. Except in Buddhism and Jainism, the concept of heaven could be found in all the religions. It is discussed in Vedic religions. Islam refers heaven as ‘the world of the dead’. Seera puranam mentions, however, all the four objectives.


Author(s):  
James P. Byrd

This epilogue examines the central themes of the Bible in the Civil War, including confidence in clear analogies between biblical texts and the war; faith in the war’s redemptive outcome, which, for many in the North, charged the United States with a divine mission in the world; and above all, reverence for the sacred sacrifice of the dead, whose blood had “consecrated” the nation. Through all the death and injury, endless debates over slavery, defenses of secession, and patriotism, the Bible was a constant reference. The American Civil War may not have been “a war of religion,” James McPherson wrote, but we should not forget “the degree to which it was a religious war.” In a similar way, the American Civil War was not primarily a war over the Bible, but it was a biblical war for many Americans.


1949 ◽  
Vol 6 (18) ◽  
pp. 578-598 ◽  

Samuel Walter Johnson Smith was born on 26 January 1871, the second of the eight children of Walter Mackersie Smith and his wife Margaret Black, both of Ferry-Port on Craig, Fife. He died on 20 August 1948. Throughout his life he was proud of his Scottish origin. Of him it can be truly said that he lived a life of great intellectual distinction with humility and simplicity, characterized by an unfailing devotion to the service of his many pupils. The sense of loss felt by these and his many friends in the world of physics, will be tempered somewhat by their happy memories of his lovable personality. Smith’s father was a distinguished locomotive engineer, a keen advocate and pioneer of the use of high-pressure, compound-cylinder steam-engines for rail transport. His advocacy of such engines is set out with remarkable and convincing clarity in a pamphlet, Simple v. Compound Locomotives , published in 1892 (see Engineering , November 1906; Proc. Institute Mechanical Engineers , 1906). Mr Walter J. Smith (a brother of S. W. J. Smith) informs me that several three-cylinder compound locomotives, operating on Smith’s system, were constructed for, and used by, the Midland and Great Central Railway Companies. The operation of a simple type of valve enabled the engine to be operated either as a semi-compound or simple high-pressure engine so that increased power was made available when required. Two four-cylinder compound locomotives to Smith’s design were built by the North-Eastern Railway Company, but Mackersie Smith lived to see only one of these in service. Round about 1877 he was engaged as locomotive engineer to the Imperial Government Railways of Japan. S. W. J. Smith inherited his father’s love of science and his indomitable spirit of perseverance. Both were good golfers.


In this chapter, the author examines the remains of broken ceramic masks recovered in feasting middens at the Moche ceremonial center of Huaca Colorada (AD 650–900) in the southern Jequetepeque Valley of the North Coast of Peru. One objective of the chapter is to demonstrate that Moche masking traditions varied in terms of the rites and social context in which they were employed. The ceramic masks depicting Moche powerful beings became deeply meaningful and engines of semiosis in their own right within specific frames of ritual action. Those masks shed light on Moche theories of being and the workings of the world (i.e., “ontology”). Their iconography suggests they were worn by officiants who reenacted heroic myths and stories of creation in rites that promoted agricultural bounty, life, and fertility.


Author(s):  
Alyshia Gálvez

In the two decades since the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) went into effect, Mexico has seen an epidemic of diet-related illness. While globalization has been associated with an increase in chronic disease around the world, in Mexico, the speed and scope of the rise has been called a public health emergency. The shift in Mexican foodways is happening at a moment when the country’s ancestral cuisine is now more popular and appreciated around the world than ever. What does it mean for their health and well-being when many Mexicans eat fewer tortillas and more instant noodles, while global elites demand tacos made with handmade corn tortillas? This book examines the transformation of the Mexican food system since NAFTA and how it has made it harder for people to eat as they once did. The book contextualizes NAFTA within Mexico’s approach to economic development since the Revolution, noticing the role envisioned for rural and low-income people in the path to modernization. Examination of anti-poverty and public health policies in Mexico reveal how it has become easier for people to consume processed foods and beverages, even when to do so can be harmful to health. The book critiques Mexico’s strategy for addressing the public health crisis generated by rising rates of chronic disease for blaming the dietary habits of those whose lives have been upended by the economic and political shifts of NAFTA.


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